“Sometimes legends make reality, and become more useful than the facts.” ~Salman Rushdie
CAUTION: This Essay Contains Graphic Accounts of Sexual Violence
I. The Professor and the Source
II. The Mormon War
a. jackson county
b. the second redemption of zion
c. the dissenters
d. danites and diahman
ii. The War
e. election day at gallatin
f. the adam black affair
g. tensions mount
i. false sense of security
j. the dewitt standoff
k. mormon retaliation
l. the battle of crooked river
m. the massacre at shoal creek
n. surrender of far west and diahman
o. trial and exodus
III. The Snow Family During the Mormon War
IV. Alice Merrill Horne
V. An Apology?
VI. Victims and Rape
a. needed empathy?
b. historical accounts
c. humanizing rape in eliza snow
d. the missouri rape accounts
i. mosiah hancock
ii. john d. lee
iii. john murdock
iv. marvin tanner
v. joseph holbrook
vi. the western emigrant
vii. ruth naper
viii. elijah reed (1839)
ix. elijah reed (1840)
x. persecution & the redress petitions
VII. A Compelling Agenda?
a. rape culture in antebellum america
b. master/slave rape
c. rape during the civil war
15 Rapes in Missouri
d. the culture of silence
e. byu’s rape problem
Perhaps you have seen the headline of this article from the Salt Lake Tribune:
Shocking historical finding: Mormon icon Eliza R. Snow was gang-raped by Missouri ruffians
When I read it, I was quite startled but only because I am very familiar with the circumstances of the 1838 “Mormon War”, and though I knew about some claims of attempted sexual violence and general claims of rapine against Mormon women made by various individuals, I had never heard of this allegation before. And in that, it seems that I am not alone.
It was reported in the article that a BYU-I Professor, Andrea G. Radke-Moss, had revealed at a Brigham Young University symposium a few days earlier that an autobiography by Alice Merrill Horne written near the end of her life contained the recollection of a conversation she supposedly overheard when she was a child: that Eliza Snow was gang raped by eight Missourians. Peggy Fletcher Stack (who had interviewed Radke-Moss for the Salt Lake Tribune) wrote in the article that:
Eliza R. Snow, one of Mormonism’s “founding mothers,” was gang-raped by eight Missourians during 19th-century tensions between LDS settlers and their Midwestern enemies.
“The rape was brutal, and so it made Eliza unable to have children,” Brigham Young University-Idaho professor Andrea Radke-Moss said in an interview. Mormon founder Joseph Smith “offered her marriage as a way of promising her that she would still have eternal offspring and that she would be a mother in Zion.” 
What surprised me as I read this, was Radke-Moss’ confident language in this interview. Eliza Snow was gang-raped, she claimed. It left her barren. Joseph Smith offered Eliza marriage as some kind of consolation because he knew she was raped. As I read the article I kept asking myself why Radke-Moss would give this interview with such firm language, as if this was all historical fact? After all, Radke-Moss set the tone for the interview, and Stack quotes her. I didn’t see much qualifying language here. No “might have been” here. No real caution with a hearsay source written over a hundred years after it supposedly took place. And certainly no corroboration with any historical evidence or other credible accounts. (As of this writing). Go to the Top
It seems that after the Tribune article was published, Radke-Moss received some criticisms about the source and so addressed some of the concerns raised by her revealing and advocating the gang rape story at the BYU symposium and in the Tribune. For the Juvenile Instructor, she wrote:
The case of Eliza R. Snow has received considerable media attention in the last four days, and has invited many questions from those who have read the brief report in the Salt Lake Tribune and other outlets. A brief newspaper report, while introducing readers to this information, could not possibly address the larger history, context, and methodology I offered in my paper. So, to that end, this post is meant to respond to those questions in brief, while also opening an important and ongoing conversation about the history of sexual violence in Church history, and the particular case of Eliza R. Snow. 
Radke-Moss then briefly! elaborated about the source of the rape account:
The account comes from a portion of the autobiography of Alice Merrill Horne written in her later years. Horne was a member of the Utah State Legislature, a board member of the General Relief Society, and a famed art critic and patroness. Born in 1868, she was the granddaughter of Apostle George A. Smith and Bathsheba W. Smith, the 4th General Relief Society President, who was one of the original members of the Female Relief Society in Nauvoo in 1842, and close friend to Eliza R. Snow and other high leadership of the Relief Society in Utah Territory. Bathsheba’s granddaughter Alice remembered visiting her grandmother as a young girl, and hearing the elderly women of Mormonism reminisce about the early days of the Restoration. I quote here using Alice Merrill Horne’s own words:
“The most important Mormon women of the nineteenth century often gathered at the Smith home abutting the Church Historian’s Office.”
“sit on her grandmother’s lap and listen, catching . . . the whispered word unraveling, spelling, and signs made by those ladies.”
It was there, at one of these rendezvous of feminine confidences, young Alice overheard the account of the brutal gang rape of Eliza R. Snow.
“There was a saint—a Prophetess, a Poet, an intellectual, seized by brutal mobbers—used by those eight demons and left not dead, but worse. The horror, the anguish, despair, hopelessness of the innocent victim was dwelt upon. [W]hat [sic] future was there for such a one? All the aspirations of a saintly virgin—that maiden of purity—had met martyrdom!”
In this case, the rape left its victim not only emotionally scarred, but also permanently affected. Eliza R. Snow would never be able to have children. Horne links Eliza’s inability to bear children in part to the decision to marry Joseph Smith polygamously in Nauvoo, Illinois. To her, the connection was clear:
“The prophet heard and had compassion. This Saint, whose lofty ideals, whose person had been crucified, was yet to become the corner of female work. To her, no child could be born and yet she would be a Mother in Israel. One to whom all eyes should turn, to whom all ears would listen to hear her sing (in tongues) the praises of Zion. She was promised honor above all women, save only Emma, but her marriage to the prophet would be only for heaven.” 
When I read this, I was disappointed that Radke-Moss had not given more background about the source itself, but had instead focused more on Alice Horne’s accomplishments. How that affects her accuracy for remembering an event which took place fifty years earlier is baffling. Yes, Horne knew Eliza Snow from an early age. But to sell the idea that this account was not somehow misremembered by Horne, Radke-Moss must engage in speculative scenarios that have Horne questioning Snow about the rape (verifying the story) at a later time in her life, something there is no evidence of ever happening.
All we know from the Juvenile Instructor article and her interview with Peggy Fletcher Stack, is that the account comes from a “portion” of Horne’s autobiography written later in her life that is in the possession of her descendants. Not really a lot to go on, which really limits having any kind of important and ongoing discussion about it. What Radke-Moss accomplished was having people respond to her belief that this actually happened, and ask questions that she doesn’t bother to answer at the Juvenile Instructor.
We also learn that this account was apparently known to Jill Mulvay Derr, Eliza’s biographer, who referred to it as a “family tradition”, according to one blogger (Kaimi Wenger) who attended one of her lectures in 2010.
Alice Horne died in 1948, so when, exactly, was this portion of her autobiography penned? This is an important question because Horne had penned her autobiography around 1934, (Which can be found at the CHL in the “Alice Merrill Horne Family History Record, 1912-1935“). But the recollection that Radke-Moss quotes is not found in that autobiography. (See Alice Merrill Horne Section below, particularly Note #139) I can only ask why. I also would like to know if what Radke-Moss quoted from was a previous autobiography (pre-1934), or if it was a revision of the 1934 autobiography. If Radke-Moss would give more information, this might be determined and help us to understand the source better and why Alice Horne might have subsequently revised her autobiography to include it. Then again, there may be no additional insights forthcoming about when Horne wrote this account, and so we must analyze this source “as is”, and draw conclusions with the evidence we have.
Happily, I had a conversation with Radke-Moss on Facebook, but to my disappointment she would not give me any information at all on the source even though I asked her repeatedly. She seemed aggravated with my concerns about the source, claiming that they were “ex-Mormon vitriol or dismissal of the reality of sexual violence against women.” This conversation was later deleted after Radke-Moss edited many of her comments and deleted at least one of them.
One concern that I mentioned in that conversation, is that this is simply an apology of Alice Horne for polygamy and for her idol Eliza Snow’s seeming inability to have children. What I found almost ironic, are these words by Radke-Moss in the Instructor article:
[Another] question I have heard is whether I am using the Eliza case to defend or justify polygamy, according to Horne’s description, and my Tribune statement, which has received much criticism for being an apology for polygamy. I did not intend it that way. 
Radke-Moss may not have intended it that way, but the recollection written by Horne is exactly that. It couldn’t be more obvious. I’m surprised that Radke-Moss would not have expected these criticisms, given what Alice Horne writes. I will explore why this claimed recollection is an obvious apology for polygamy and Eliza Snow’s apparent inability to have children below, and give some reasons why Alice Horne may have felt the need to revise her autobiography to include it (if it was written after 1934). She continues:
Let me be quite clear on this point: The origins and practice of Mormon polygamy, as introduced by Joseph Smith in Nauvoo, are complex, multi-faceted, and difficult to pin down with uniformity or consistency. 
I strongly disagree that the origins and practice of Mormon polygamy are “difficult to pin down with uniformity or consistency”. There is ample contemporary and later evidence to reasonably construct the origin and practice of Joseph’s polygamy and present a coherent narrative. It seems that it is only when some want to promote fringe theories about the practice (like it was instigated to protect women from violence) that such claims are stressed. She continues:
Before I had seen the Horne source, I had often wondered at the connections between the traumas that women experienced in Missouri and the origins of polygamy, in that Mormon male leadership had felt incapable of protecting women from mob assaults. The vulnerability that women felt perhaps fostered a climate whereby celestial marriage offered solace, protection, or some kind of spiritual connectivity that kept the community cemented together in the face of danger. The Horne document presented me with evidence of the possibility that Joseph offered, and Eliza accepted, a polygamous marriage as a way of providing spiritual comfort in the absence of earthly justice. I am interested in exploring this question, but I also invite readers not to project their issues with Joseph Smith onto a topic which I have intended to bring historical attention to very real and violent crimes committed against Mormon women. I am merely trying to understand how Eliza viewed her polygamous marriage to Joseph Smith as a response to her own personal circumstances, and that is a fair historical question to ask. 
It seems rather odd that if one of the reasons that Joseph initiated the practice of polygamy was to offer protection to Mormon women from outside violence, he would keep the practice so secret (among his own followers) and deny it publicly; and that the majority of the “Saints” were never informed about it during his lifetime. How much impact would a secret practice have on the majority of Mormon women in Nauvoo? How would this foster a feeling of solace, protection or some kind of spiritual connectivity for them? If this was one of the reasons behind the practice, keeping it secret did just the opposite. Most (if not all) of the women who practiced polygamy felt ostracized from society (including Mormon society) and some felt a sense of danger at being part of it. Most agreed to the practice only reluctantly. When Joseph’s practice of polygamy became public, Joseph destroyed the press that had outed him, and lost his own life because he kept the practice a secret and flouted the law to stay out of jail as he tried to suppress information about his own involvement. The women could not speak about it publicly for fear that Joseph would be charged with adultery or some other crime.
Concerning polygamy, Zina Huntington later claimed that “I never breathed it for years.” And “We hardly dared speak of it. The very walls had ears. We spoke of it only in whispers.”
Joseph, in fact (in an 1842 First Presidency Proclamation) urged going to the law if there were problems in a marriage, and that no one had the right to break up marriages for any reason other than some kind of crime committed by either spouse. If Joseph felt that women could not get justice, why urge them to go to the law to resolve their marriage difficulties?
Joseph also declared that no one had the right to marry another who was already married (which he did with over a dozen women) without a legal (secular) divorce. Doing so and consummating that marriage, would be committing adultery. When Joseph approached these married women, he was asking them to choose him over their legal husbands. Though many husbands agreed to give their wives to Joseph for time and eternity, some did not and this fostered feelings of confusion and resentment. Orson Pratt almost committed suicide when Joseph propositioned his wife Sarah. Brigham Young warned one of his spiritual wives (Augusta Adams Cobb) not to be alone with Joseph.
How did Joseph’s spiritual wife system (celestial marriage) promote feelings of security and spiritual connectivity when it drove men to warn their wives to avoid being alone with the Mormon prophet?
Daniel H. Wells wrote in 1888 about Albert Smith, whose wife Joseph had secretly married without first consulting him:
He [Albert Smith was] also much afflicted with the loss of his first wife [Esther Ducher]. It seems that she was sealed to Joseph the Prophet in the days of Nauvoo, [for time and eternity] though she still remained his wife, and afterwards nearly broke his heart by telling him of it, and expressing her intention of adhering to that relationship.
Albert finally came to terms with this strange arrangement, but not until years later. How could these women feel safe, when they could not know how their current husbands would react to Joseph’s proposals to them? And how many women after a time, left their polygamous marriages? How does this argument apply to those like Eliza and Emily Partridge, who lived in the shadow of Emma Smith, and who were ultimately ejected from the Smith home when Joseph abruptly ended their marriages to him?
I think we are all trying to understand Joseph’s polygamy and the ramifications of it, but Radke-Moss only offers speculation based on weak evidence. What percentage of women were Mormon men incapable of protecting from sexual violence in Missouri and previous to that time? One can only speculate. As Radke-Moss herself notes:
The scarcity and limitation of sources has presented historians with the difficulty of uncovering a history of sexual violence in Missouri, and of identifying actual victims.
I’m not sure that this is accurate at all, as I will explore below. The crimes committed by the Missourians against the Mormons are well documented from that period, and some of the accounts of rape have serious problems. And since this is such a hot button topic, trying to simply get at the facts of what happened, can leave one open to all kinds of accusations and claims of bias and insensitivity. I am well aware of these problems, having a close family member who was sexually assaulted.
It also seems disingenuous to ask others not to project their concerns about Joseph Smith’s motives onto this topic. Isn’t Radke-Moss doing just that by linking claimed Missouri sexual violence with Joseph’s polygamy? Horne herself links the rape and Eliza’s marriage to Joseph together. And isn’t it Radke-Moss who is focusing on polygamy here as some kind of panacea to claimed outside sexual violence? It seems like this is just Radke-Moss trying to control the narrative to keep it focused on her ad hoc speculations.
We have Snow’s own words as to why she remained single (until her marriage to Smith) to consider:
I remained single; and why, I could not comprehend at the time. But, when I embraced the fulness of the Gospel, in recalling the events of my past life, I felt, and still feel to acknowledge the kind overruling hand in the providences of God in that circumstance, as fully as in any other in my mortal existence; I do not know that one of my former suitors have received the Gospel, which shows that I was singularly preserved from the bondage of a marriage tie which would, in all probability, have prevented my receiving, or from the free exercise of religion which has been, and now is dearer to me than my life.
Eliza states here that she chose to stay single, because she was saving herself for Joseph, though she didn’t know it at the time. This does not sound like she was raped and felt ashamed to be married because of it. Horne’s account has Joseph finding out about the rape and then offering to console her by inviting her to become one of his spiritual wives. Eliza Snow would write in 1885:
Although in my youth I had considered marriage ordained of God; and without vanity can say, I had what was considered very flattering proposals, I remained single; and why, I could not comprehend at the time; But, when I embraced the fulness of the Gospel, in recalling to mind the events of my past life, I felt, and still feel to acknowledge the kind, overruling hand elevation of character, but also instrumental in producing a more perfect type of manhood mentally and physically, as well as in restoring human life to its former longevity.
Is Eliza saying that the kind, overruling hand of God was to have her be brutally raped so that she would only be able to marry Joseph because he felt sorry for her? It does not appear from these comments that Eliza remained single because of some traumatic event. Instead, she claims that she had “very flattering proposals” but still remained single, for what reason, she did not know. Later, she would affirm that it was because she was to participate in the practice of polygamy.
Of course, the counter arguments are that Eliza just made up what she wrote later to hide the supposed rape. This argument can be used to rebut just about anything! Or that 19th century culture precluded women from being open about this. That rape involved shame for women, was difficult to prove, and that they suffered in silence under a 19th century culture that would not allow them to receive justice for crimes committed against them. Still, These are all valid points which will be addressed below.
As for Mormon men having some kind of complex that they could not protect their women, if this was true then why did Joseph Smith claim that if they only listened to his counsel, they would have been safe? Here is an account by David Lewis:
[Jacob] Haughn [Hawn] came to Far West to consult with the Prophet concerning the policy of the removal of the settlers on Log Creek to the fortified camps. Col. White [Lyman Wight] and myself were standing by when the Prophet said to him: “Move in, by all means, if you wish to save your lives.” Haughn [Hawn] replied that if the settlers left their homes all of their property would be lost, and the Gentiles would burn their houses and other buildings. The Prophet said: “You had much better lose your property than your lives, one can be replaced, the other cannot be restored; but there is no need of your losing either if you will only do as you are commanded.” Haughn said that he considered the best plan was for all the settlers to move into and around the mill, and use the blacksmith’s shop and other buildings as a fort in case of attack; in this way he thought they would be perfectly safe. “You are at liberty to do so if you think best,” said the Prophet. Haughn then departed, well satisfied that he had carried his point.
The Prophet turned to Col. White and said: “That man did not come for counsel, but to induce me to tell him to do as he pleased; which I did. Had I commanded them to move in here and leave their property, they would have called me a tyrant. I wish they were here for their own safety.”
According to Lewis, Joseph told Hawn that they didn’t have to lose their property or their lives, if they would just obey him. On the 22 of June, 1834, Joseph wrote:
“For behold, I do not require at their hands to fight the battles of Zion; for, as I said in a former commandment, even so will I fulfil—I will fight your battles. Behold, the destroyer I have sent forth to destroy and lay waste mine enemies; and not many years hence they shall not be left to pollute mine heritage, and to blaspheme my name upon the lands which I have consecrated for the gathering together of my saints.”
In January of 1836 Joseph wrote that in the Kirtland Temple during an anointing ceremony, his scribe “saw in a vision the armies of heaven protecting the Saints in their return to Zion and many things that I saw”. (Scott H. Faulring, An American Prophet’s Record, p.118-120). In March of 1836 Joseph wrote:
The Seventies are at liberty to go to Zion if they please or go wheresoever they will and preach the gospel and let the redem[p]tion of Zion be our object, and strive to affect it by sending up all the strength of the Lord’s House wherever we find them. I want to enter into the following covenant, that if any more of our brethren are slain or driven from their lands in Missouri by the mob that we will give ourselves no rest until we are avenged of our enimies to the uttermost. This covenant was sealed unaminously [unanimously] by a hosanna and Amen.
Joseph wasn’t afraid of not getting justice, as he was willing to take justice into his own hands to “be avenged of our enimies”. Modern Mormon leaders have repeated the story about Hawn’s Mill and the message that there is safety in following Mormon authorities. In 1997, Henry Eyring explained:
There seems to be no end to the Savior’s desire to lead us to safety. And there is constancy in the way He shows us the path. He calls by more than one means so that it will reach those willing to accept it. And those means always include sending the message by the mouths of His prophets whenever people have qualified to have the prophets of God among them. Those authorized servants are always charged with warning the people, telling them the way to safety.
When tensions ran high in northern Missouri in the fall of 1838, the Prophet Joseph Smith called for all the Saints to gather to Far West for protection. Many were on isolated farms or in scattered settlements. He specifically counseled Jacob Haun, founder of a small settlement called Haun’s Mill. A record of that time includes this: “Brother Joseph had sent word by Haun, who owned the mill, to inform the brethren who were living there to leave and come to Far West, but Mr. Haun did not deliver the message” (Philo Dibble, in “Early Scenes in Church History,” in Four Faith Promoting Classics , 90). Later, the Prophet Joseph recorded in his history: “Up to this day God had given me wisdom to save the people who took counsel. None had ever been killed who [had abided] by my counsel” (History of the Church, 5:137). Then the Prophet recorded the sad truth that innocent lives could have been saved at Haun’s Mill had his counsel been received and followed.
In our own time, we have been warned with counsel of where to find safety from sin and from sorrow.
Mormon prophets have always taught that there is safety in following their counsel. This hardly supports that they felt unable to protect people from assaults if they did obey them, or avenge them (their own justice) if they did not follow their counsel. The message from Joseph Smith had always been for the “Saints” to “flee to Zion” to be safe from the scourges that were to come. In 1833 Joseph wrote,
Go ye forth into the western countries, call upon the inhabitants to repent, and inasmuch as they do repent, build up churches unto me; and with one heart and with one mind, gather up your riches that ye may purchase an inheritance which shall hereafter be appointed unto you, and it shall be called the New Jerusalem, a land of peace, a city of refuge, a place of safety for the saints of the most high God; And the glory of the Lord shall be there, and the terror of the Lord also shall be there, insomuch that the wicked will not come unto it: And it shall be called Zion: And it shall come to pass, among the wicked, that every man that will not take his sword against his neighbor, must needs flee unto Zion for safety. Go to the Top
Oliver Snow and his family (including Eliza) did not move to Missouri until the summer of 1838, (late July) therefore if Eliza was raped, it would have been between that time and the family’s exodus from the state in the spring of 1839. Fortunately, Eliza left multiple accounts of what happened to her and her family during their time in Missouri. To give her accounts some context, it will be instructive to describe events leading up to and during the Mormon War of 1838 through the eyes of those who experienced those events and what happened in Diahman (Adam-ondi-Ahman) where the Snow family had relocated from Ohio.
In 1830, Joseph dictated many “revelations” that indicated that the “Saints” must gather to “Zion” for safety and to prepare for the Second Coming of Jesus Christ. Joseph revealed that the “centerplace” of Zion was located in the state of Missouri, in Jackson County.
Orange L. Wight (who was 15 years old in 1838) would later write about the journey to Zion and the events leading up to the Mormon War:
In June 1831 many of the Saints moved from Kirtland to Jackson County, Missouri. My father, Lyman Wight, and Parley P. Pratt walked the entire distance, 800 miles, and preached by the way and organized a number of branches of the Church; hence added a great number to The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. My mother, I and my two little sisters went by water most of the way, with other Saints. We went down the Ohio River from near Pittsburgh to the mouth of the Ohio and then up the Mississippi and Missouri to a landing called Yellowstone on a steam boat.
I don’t know whether I can describe the steamer correctly or not, but according to my best recollection it was a flat-bottomed arrangement with side wheels–something after the order of Fulton’s first effort–and a board shanty on it for cabin passengers. Mother was honored with a corner in the shanty; most of the rest of the Saints occupied the open decks without shelter. But we all got there without accident of any serious nature and in time to plant a garden which produced abundance by the time father and Parley P. Pratt got there.
Now comes a part of the story of our proceedings. The Saints began to come in from all quarters, held sensational meetings, became to some extent fanatical and argued they were the Lord’s favored people and the land was the Lord’s and it eventually would all belong to them. Now that exasperated the people and they were ready to add to what they heard, and all the efforts of those of the Saints–who could see the evil effects of the fanaticism–to reconcile the people of Jackson County proved in vain. Thus it went on from one thing to another until it ended in real persecution. After both parties became exasperated we, instead of making an effort to settle the difficulty by purchase, undertook to arbitrate it by force of arms; were conquered and driven from the county. Thus fulfilling the revelation, “If by purchase, behold you are blessed; but if by blood, lo, your enemies are upon you–and but few that stand to receive an inheritance.” D&C 63:30 and 31.
Now I can hardly blame the Saints for feeling like retaliating, but I do blame some of them for letting their anger get away with their better judgment and undertaking to regulate the citizens of Jackson County against the Lord’s advice. The anger was human which they should have put away and asked the Lord to guide them with His Holy Spirit. They should have left the business in the hands of God and tried to get what they could by purchase. After being conquered and driven from the county and Zion’s Camp had arrived, we undertook to purchase the lands, but it seems it was then too late, at least we could not make the deal. Now we were driven–I call it–or requested to make our place of gathering further north in the unsettled counties of Caldwell and Daviess Counties, Missouri.
Joseph Smith made an effort to get justice and “redeem Zion” in 1834, by marching an armed band of about 200 men (and a few women and children) from Ohio to Missouri, but failed miserably. He afterwards wrote a “revelation”, Doctrine and Covenants Section 104, which was a scathing denunciation of those who had committed “transgressions” (verse 2) and were blamed by him as the cause of that failure. But here also, (D&C 104) Smith promised that “not many years hence they [the “Gentiles”] shall not be left to pollute mine heritage”. So according to this “revelation”, God would take care of things—but not by force through his “Saints”. Go to the Top
Upon his return to Kirtland (August 1834) Joseph wrote a letter to Edward Partridge and some of the other brethren who had relocated to other counties in Missouri and made a prophecy about the date of the “redemption of Zion”:
I shall now procede to give you such council as the spirit of the Lord may dictate… And I would recomend to brother [Lyman] Wight to enter complaints to the Govonor as often as he receves any insults or injury, and in case that they procede to endeaver to take life or tear down homes, and if the citizens of Clay co, do not befriend us to gather up the little army and be set over Immediately into Jackson County and trust in God and do the
worst <best> he can in defending maintaining the ground, but in case the excitement continues to be allayed and peace prevails use every effort to prevail on the churches to gather to those regions and situate themselves to be in readiness to move into Jackson Co. in two years from the Eleventh of September next which is the appointed time for the redemption of Zion, If Verely If I say unto you If the Church with one united effort perform their duties If they do this the work shall be complete If they do not this in all humility making preperation from this time forth like Joseph in Egypt laying up store against the time of famine every man having his tent, his horses, his charrots [chariots] his armory his cattle his family and his whole substance in readiness against the time <when> it shall be said To your tents O Isreal!! and let not this be noised abroad let every heart beat in silence and every mouth be shut
Now my beloved brethren you will learn by this we have a great work to do, and but little time to do it in and if we dont exert ourselves to the utmost in gathering up the strength of the Lords house that this thing may be accomplished behold their remaineth a scorge* <*for the church even that they shall be driven from City to City and but few shall remain to receive an inheritence if these things are not kept there remaineth a scorge> also, Therefore be were [beware] this over O ye children of Zion! and give heed to my council saith the Lord!
We see that Joseph planned on returning to Jackson County, and as revealed through the spirit of the Lord, and he writes that they should be ready to move into Jackson County by September 11, 1836, which was the “appointed time for the redemption of Zion.” In 1835 Joseph wrote in his diary:
September 24th 1835 This day the high Council met at my house to take into conside[r]ation the redeemtion of Zion and it was the voice of the spirit of the Lord that we petition to the Governer that is those who have been driven out should
to do so to be set back on their Lands next spring and we go next season to live or dy to this end so the dy is cast in Jackson County we truly had a good time and Covena[n]ted to strugle for this thing u[n]till death shall desolve this union and if one falls that the rest be not dis ha discouraged but pe[r]sue this object untill it is acomplished which may God grant u[n]to us in the name of Christ our Lord
This day drew up an Article of inrollment for the redemtion of Zion that we may obtain volenteers to go
me next Spring to Mo – I ask God in the name of Jesus that we may obtain Eight hundred men or one thousand well armed and that they may acomplish this great work even so Amen
Why would the Lord give Joseph a date for the redemption of Zion if he did not plan on granting it to them? (See D&C 62:6) Even with these promises (“I the Lord promise the faithful and cannot lie”) and even though Joseph had once before gotten a large force to “redeem” Zion in 1834, his second effort (in 1838) was also doomed to failure. September 11, 1836 passed without the “Saints” moving back into Jackson County. This did not mean that Joseph had given up. This “official” account about “Zion” and its ultimate “redemption” was written for the Church’s website:
The Saints worked diligently to build up Zion, but by late 1833, they had been driven out of their homes in Jackson County by severe persecution, leaving behind their dreams of establishing Zion and building a temple there. Through the Prophet Joseph Smith, the Lord revealed that the conditions for the redemption of Zion in that land were not yet fulfilled and that the establishment of Zion must “wait for a little season” (D&C 105:9).
In the early 1830s, the Saints attempted to lay the foundation of Zion in Jackson County, Missouri, as commanded by the Lord, but were unable to do so because they were not spiritually prepared. The Prophet Joseph Smith said the following about the time when Zion would be established: “I cannot learn from any communication by the Spirit to me, that Zion has forfeited her claim to a celestial crown, notwithstanding the Lord has caused her to be thus afflicted, except it may be some individuals, who have walked in disobedience, and forsaken the new covenant; all such will be made manifest by their works in due time. I have always expected that Zion would suffer some affliction, from what I could learn from the commandments which have been given. But I would remind you of a certain clause in one which says, that after much tribulation cometh the blessing [see D&C 58:4]. By this, and also others, and also one received of late, I know that Zion, in the due time of the Lord, will be redeemed; but how many will be the days of her purification, tribulation, and affliction, the Lord has kept hid from my eyes; and when I inquire concerning this subject, the voice of the Lord is: Be still, and know that I am God! All those who suffer for my name shall reign with me, and he that layeth down his life for my sake shall find it again. … May God grant that notwithstanding [our] great afflictions and sufferings, there may not anything separate us from [the] love of Christ [see Romans 8:35–39].”
The letter they are quoting here, was dated December 10, 1833, many months before Smith’s march to “Zion” in the spring (May) of 1834. Why then, is this portrayed as if it was the end result of the Zion affair in Missouri? Joseph gave the date (as given to him by the Spirit of the Lord) for the “Redemption of Zion” as September 11, 1836, but events transpired that made any date for a return to Jackson County untenable, and these events were directly tied to Joseph Smith himself. Go to the Top
After the failure of Joseph’s “Zion’s Camp”, he returned to Kirtland, Ohio and left the Church in Missouri in the hands of David Whitmer, his brother John Whitmer, W. W. Phelps (Presidency) along with Bishop Edward Partridge, John Corrill (and others). The latter wrote:
With the exception of some little threatening, the Church lived in peace, until the summer of 1836; and, notwithstanding all these difficulties, it continued to gather in Clay County; and in the adjacent counties, the members hoping that they would get back to Jackson County.
Corrill then explains that,
During their [the leaders of the Church in Kirtland] mercantile and banking operations they not only indulged in pride, but also suffered jealousies to arise among them, and several persons dissented from the Church, and accused the leaders of the church with bad management, selfishness, seeking for riches, honor, and dominion, tyrannizing over the people, and striving constantly after power and property. On the other hand, the leaders of the Church accused the dissenters with dishonesty, want of faith, and righteousness, wicked in their intentions, guilty of crimes, such as stealing, lying, encouraging the making of counterfeit money, etc.; and this strife or opposition arose to a great height, so that, instead of pulling together as brethren; they tried every way in their power, seemingly, to destroy each other; their enemies from without rejoiced at this, and assisted the dissenters what they could, until Smith and Rigden finally were obliged to leave Kirtland, and, with their families, came to Far West, in March or April 1838.
Smith and Rigdon and others had visited Far West in the fall of 1837, and during that visit,
“A general meeting was called for the Church to choose whether they would have the old Presidency rule any longer over them or not. Their old difficulties were talked over, and so far reconciled, that they still choose to have Phelps and Whitmer their presidents; but in the winter following, the old difficulty broke out again, and the excitement rose so high that they turned them out of their presidential office, and T. B. Marsh and two others served as presidents, pro tempore, until Smith and Rigden arrived…”
It is important to note that Thomas Marsh sided with Joseph at this time. Corrill continues:
When Smith and Rigden arrived, the Church was much pleased and supposed that things would be managed right by them, and they would have better times; but it was not long before the old feelings began to be stirred up between the Church and the dissenters. Complaints were made to the authorities of the Church against them, upon which they immediately withdrew from the Church. The Church in Caldwell had been doing well, with the exception of these little difficulties among themselves, until the First Presidency came to the Far West, and began to move things to their own notions. Many of the Church had settled in Davies County, and to all appearance, lived as peaceably with their neighbors as people generally do; but not long after Smith and Rigden arrived in Far West, they went to Davies County and pitched upon a place to build a town. L. Wight was already on the ground with his family. They laid out a town and began to settle it pretty rapidly; Smith gave it the name of Adamondiaman [Adam-ondi-Ahman]…
Many of the Church became elated with the idea of settling in and round about the new town, especially those who had come from Kirtland, as it was designed more particularly for them. This stirred up the people of Davies in some degree; they saw that if this town was built up rapidly it would injure Gallatin, their county seat, and also that the Mormons would soon overrun Davies, and rule the county, and they did not like to live under the laws and administration of “Joe Smith.” Lyman Wight also would frequently boast in his discourses of what they would do if the mob did not let them alone,–they would fight, and they would die upon the ground, and they would not give up their rights, etc.; when, as yet, there was no mob. But this preaching inspired the Mormons with a fighting spirit, and some of the other citizens began to be stirred up to anger.
Reed Peck (an early convert from New York) would write in 1839:
The people of the surrounding country were still friendly & harmony prevailed among the Mormons till the middle of June when the enmity of the two parties from Kirtland manifested itself to an alarming degree[.] At this period measures were concerted no doubt by instigation of the presidency to free the community of the cowderies, Whitmers, Lyman Johnson and some others, to effect which a secret meeting was called at Far West, by Jared Carter and Dimick B. Huntington two of Smiths greatest courtiers where a proposition was made and supported by some as being the best policy to Kill these men that they would not be capable of injuring the church. All their measures were strenuously opposed by John Corrill and T. B. March one of the twelve apostles of the church and in consequense nothing could be effected until the matter was taken up publicly by the presidency[.] the Sunday following (June 17th) in the presense of a large congregation. S. Rigdon took his text from the fifth chapter of Mathew “Ye are the Salt of the Earth but if the salt have lost his savour wherewith shall it be salted, it is henceforth good for nothing but to be cast out and be trodden underfoot of men”[.] From this Scripture he undertook to prove that when men embrace the gospel and afterwards lose their faith it is the duty of the Saints to trample them under their feet[.] He informed the people that they had a set of men among them that had dissented from the church and were doing all in their power to destroy the presidency, laying plans to take their lives &c., accused them of counterfeiting lying cheating and numerous other crimes and called on the people to rise en masse and rid the county of Such a nuisance[.] He said it is the duty of this people to trample them into the earth, and if the county cannot be freed from them any other way I will assit to trample them down or to erect a gallows on the Square of Far West and hang them up as they did the gamblers at Vicksburgh and it would be an act at which the angels would smile with approbation
Joseph Smith in a Short speech Sanctioned what had been Said by Rigdon though said he I don’t want the brethren to act unlawfully but will tell them one thing Judas was a traitor and instead of hanging himself was hung by Peter, and with this hint the subject was dropped for the day having created a great excitement and prepared the people to execute anything that should be proposed.
Sidney Rigdon’s final words on July 4th, were chilling and would have a far reaching impact:
We take God and all the holy angels to witness this day, that we warn all men in the name of Jesus Christ, to come on us no more forever. For from this hour, we will bear it no more, our rights shall no more be trampled on with impunity. The man or the set of men, who attempts it, does it at the expense of their lives. And that mob that comes on us to disturb us; it shall be between us and them a war of extermination; for we will follow them till the last drop of their blood is spilled, or else they will have to exterminate us: for we will carry the seat of war to their own houses, and their own families, and one party or the other shall be utterly destroyed.—Remember it then all MEN.
Brandon G. Kinney writes in his 2011 book, The Mormon War Zion and the Missouri Extermination Order of 1838:
In 1836, the Missouri legislature created Caldwell County as a sanctuary for displaced Mormons in the hope no further Mormon expansion would occur. With the
growing number of converts moving in from Ohio, Canada, and other locations it was soon apparent that Caldwell County was not going to provide sufficient space for all Mormons to thrive. By early 1838, the population had swelled to approximately 4,000. There was already a settlement of Mormons along the Crooked River in the disputed six-mile strip of land originally set aside as part of Caldwell County but later reapportioned to Ray County. Also, near Haun’s Mill there was a settlement of Mormons that had stretched into Livingston County. Shortly after Smith’s arrival in Missouri he took a boat trip up the Grand River in southern Daviess County. On that trip he declared he had discovered where Adam had moved his family after the fall described in the book of Genesis; Smith called it Adam-ondi-Ahman. This was not the first time Smith had created a holy land to encourage migration. Smith had previously instructed his followers that Independence, Missouri, was not only Zion (where Christ’s second coming would occur) but also the original site of the Garden of Eden. The new announcement worked as planned and soon multitudes of Mormon families were pouring into Daviess County. New residents included Danite Colonel Lyman Wight, who established a band of faithful Danites in the new settlement.
While the Mormons were building up the town of DiAhman (as it was called), those who had been outed (the dissenters) began to be alarmed by the language being used by Smith and Ridgon. Reed Peck described those events:
On the next Tuesday these dissenters as they were termed were informed that preparations were being made to hang them up and if they did not escape their lives would be taken before night, and perceiving the rage of their enemies they fled to Ray County leaving their families and property in the hands of the Mormons[.] The wrath of the presidency and the threats of han[g]ing &c. were undoubtedly a farce acted to frighten these men from the county that they could not be spies upon their conduct or that they might deprive them of their property[,] and indeed the proceedings of the presidency and others engaged in this affair fully justify the latter conclusion, for knowing the probable result, Geo W. Robinson Son in law of S. Rigdon had prior to their flight sworn out writs of attachment against these men by which he took possession of all their personal property, clothing & furniture, much of which was valuable and no doubt very desirable leaving their families to follow to Ray County almost destitute–That the claims by which this property was taken from these men were unjust and perhaps without foundation cannot be doubted by any unprejudiced person acquainted with all parties and circumstances and no testimony has ever been adduced to show that the men were ever guilty of a crime in Caldwell County[.] These unlawful and tyrannical measures met with the censure of John Corrill[,] W. W. Phelps, John Clemenson myself and a few others but we were soon made sensible that we had excited suspicion, and perhaps endangered ourselves by venturing to speak unfavourably of these transactions[.]
To help facilitate the fight against the dissenters, Joseph organized a company of men who he described in his diary on July 27th:
Thus far, according to the order /revelation/ of the Danites. We have a company of Danites in these times, to put to right physically that which is not right, and to clense the Church of very great evil[s] which has hitherto existed among us inasmuch as they cannot be put to right by teachings and persuasyons. This company or a part of them exhibited on the fourth day of July [ – ] They come up to consecrate, by companies of tens, commanded by their captain over ten[.]
Reed Peck affirmed Joseph’s involvement with the Danites:
At a meeting for the organisation of the Danites Sampson Avard presented the society to the presidency who blessed them and accepted their Services as though they were soon to be employed in executing some great design[.] They also made speeches to the Society in which great military glory and conquest were represented as awaiting them, victories in which one should chase a thousand and two put ten thousand to flight, were portrayed in the most lively manner, the assistance of Angels promised and in fine every thing was said to inspire them with Zeal and courage and to make them believe that God was soon to “bring to pass his act, his strange act” or by them as instruments to perform a marvelous work on the Earth[.] In the fore part of July the “brother of Gideon” or Jared Carter Capt Genl of the Danites having complained to Joseph Smith of some observations made by Sidney Rigdon in a Sermon, was tried for finding fault with one of the presidency and deprived of his station and Elias Higbee was appointed in his stead
Carter’s punishment according to the principles of the Danites Should have been death[.] In the evening after the trial I was in company with Maj Genl Sampson Avard Dimick B Huntington Capt of the Guard, Elias Higbee the new capt Genl and David W. Patten one of the twelve apostles and member of the high counsel of the church all of whom had sat with the presidency on the trial. D. B. Huntington stated that Joseph declared during the examination that he should have cut Carters throat on the spot if he had been alone when he made the complaint[.] Huntington also Said that on his trial Carter came within a fingers point of losing his head Sampson Avard related at the same time the arrangements that had been made by the presidency and officers present at the trial respecting the dissenters.–Said he, “All the head officers are to be furnished by the presidency with a list of dissenters both in Ohio and Missouri and if for example I meet with one of them or who is damning and cursing the presidency, I can curse them too and if he will drink I can get him a bowl for brandy and after a while take him by the arm and get him one Side in the brush when I will into his guts in a minute and put him under the Sod. When an officer had disposed of a dissenter in this way he shall inform the presidency, and them only with whom it shall remain an inviolable Secret[.] In July the law of consecration took effect which required every person to give up to the bishop all surplus property of every description, not necessary for their present support[.] Sampson Avard the most busy actor and sharpest tool of the presidency informed John Corrill and My self that “all persons who attempted to deceive and return property that should be given up would meet with the fate of Ananias and Saphira who were Killed by Peter”
Joseph would later deny their existence in a City Council meeting at Nauvoo in 1844, but admitted that he had named them:
The Danite system never had any existence. The term grew out of a term I made [in] an off[ice] when the brethren prepared to defend themselves from the mob in Far West [Missouri]. [It was] the in reference to the stealing of Macaiah images, [that] if the enemy comes[,] the Danites will be after them, meaning the brethren in self defense.
Yet, Joseph’s own diary entry (which was later crossed out) indicates that Joseph was lying about their existence, and that he knew all about them. What is interesting is that Smith takes credit for naming them here. Alexander Baugh writes about the consequences caused by the Church’s actions against the dissenters:
The episode involving the dissenters’ expulsion produced several consequences. From the Church’s standpoint, their removal assured the hierarchy that the general membership of the Church would no longer be influenced or corrupted by the actions, attitudes, and opinions. Furthermore, the First Presidency felt confident that they would no longer be threatened with vexatious lawsuits, at least in the Mormon-dominated Caldwell County. On the negative side, the dissenters’ disaffection from Mormonism and forced departure from Far West opened the door for further troubles between Mormons and non-Mormons. Following their flight, these former insiders were quick to spread the news of their alleged mistreatment. Their reports of abuse at the hands of the Mormon hierarchy and their pawns was evidence to non-Mormons that Joseph Smith and his associates were full of corruption. Furthermore, it reconfirmed in the minds of the Missourians that the Latter-day Saints posed a genuine threat to the peace and safety and security of the region. Go to the Top
These tensions reached the boiling point during the elections in Gallatin which took place on August 6, 1838. Rollin J. Britton would later write that,
So auspiciously did the career of Adam-ondi-Ahman begin that Joseph H. McGee informs us that it had over five hundred inhabitants when Gallatin had but four houses, and it threatened to rival Far West and probably would have done so had not a state of civil strife ensued that resulted in the expulsion of all of the members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints from the State of Missouri.
The election day fracas at Gallatin was started by one of the candidates for office, William Penniston, who was a militia colonel in the county who had courted the Mormon vote, but learned that the Mormons favored the Democrats, not the Whig party that Penniston was a member of. He was also influenced by the fiery speech given by Sidney Rigdon on July 4, which spoke of “a war of extermination” against the enemies of the Mormons.
Penniston was also an old enemy to the Mormons who had gained some notoriety from his outspoken support for the expulsion of the Mormons from Clay County in 1836.
According to John D. Lee, Penniston got up on a whiskey barrel and started haranguing against the Mormons by claiming that “the leaders of the Church was a set of horse thieves, liars, counterfeiters, etc.” Peniston also “appealed to the people, adding: If we suffer such men as those to vote, you will soon lose your suffrage.” About the actual battle, Rollin J. Britton quotes Joseph H. McGee who witnessed the events that day:
“My first visit to Gallatin was in 1838, August 6th. My father and I came to town to attend the general election held on that day. This proved to be a historical day as the great knock down between the Mormons and the Missourians took place on that day. I had been with my father at many an election in Ohio, but I never saw him so peaceably inclined at an election before.
“There was a big pile of house logs piled up in front of the little cabin where they were voting. My father and I climbed to the very top of that pile of logs and witnessed the whole battle. I had witnessed many knock downs in my time, but none on so grand a scale. Pistols were not used. Rocks and clubs were in demand, and an occasional butcher knife slipped in. Men dropped on all sides.
“I saw one poor Mormon trying to make his escape from two Missourians who were pursuing him. He had a butcher knife sticking between his shoulders. They would no doubt have succeeded in capturing him had not another Mormon by the name of John L. Butler seized a big club and rushing in between them and their victim dealt them such blows that he felled them both to the earth and allowed the Mormon, whose name was Murphy, to escape. The Missourians proved victorious and the Mormons had to leave. After the fight was over my father and I got into our wagon and returned home. This was my first debut in Gallatin. All the Mormons who took part in this fight left the county that night and moved their families to Far West in Caldwell County — this being the stronghold of the Mormons.”
The Mormons also claimed victory at Gallatin and according to Reed Peck:
An exaggerated account of a bloody massacre of some of the Mormons was rapidly circulated through Caldwell County early next morning, the warriors marshalled and by 12 o Clock 150 Danites with J Smith and S. Rigdon at their head were marching for Daviess county breathing vengeance against “the mob” for the attack made the previous day on their brethren At their approach the inhabitants of Daviess County not being sufficiently strong to oppose the Mormons of Caldwell and Daviess Counties then in array against them fled from their houses to make the woods their covert until the storm should pass or assistance be procured to expel what they termed a band of invaders The forces from Caldwell county remained in Daviess two days and in the time compelled one individual to sign an article binding him to keep the peace with the Mormons and attempted to frighten a justice of the peace to sign the same but he drew one himself and signed it which was satisfactory Warrants were issued against J Smith L. Wight and many others engaged in this affair and cause found sufficient to put them under bonds for their appearance at court Representations of these hostile movements of the Mormons were Sent by express to the neighboring counties which created considerable exitement and but a short time elapsed before it was rumoured that the inhabitants of Daviess county were determined that the Mormons should be expelled from that county as it would be impossible to live in peace with them[.] 
Joseph Smith, with a detachment of men went to the home of Lyman Wight at Diahman. Others, including many Danites joined them until they ‘had a sizable company.”  In his journal Joseph exaggerates the number of Missourians as 150. when in all probability there were about 30 settlers and a smaller number of Mormons. Go to the Top
After the melee in Gallatin, Joseph subsequently (August 8th) took a large company of men (including Sampson Avard) and went to the home of Adam Black, a justice of the peace, (who lived about a mile from the city of Diahman) and compelled him to sign a statement that he would not molest the Mormons. William Swartzell, a member of the Danites claimed that Black was told to “sign it or die”, but Black refused and instead wrote his own statement which he subsequently signed. 
The Mormons who confronted Black told him that they would soon be visiting other state authorities and this alarmed Black who hastened to Richmond (with a small company of men) where he reported what had happened to Austin A. King, judge of the 5th judicial circuit, and issued a formal complaint. Unfortunately, one of Black’s company was William Penniston, which eroded his credibility and caused others to doubt the veracity of his account.
Word of these events soon alarmed the citizens of various neighboring counties. This led to many exaggerated rumors that proved to be instrumental in fomenting the later violence that took place.
On August 11, Smith and other Mormon leaders arrived in Diahman where over a hundred Mormons met them. Smith reportedly told them to be obedient to the laws of Missouri, but this was not received well by Danites like Lyman Wight, who defiantly stated that he didn’t care anything for the law, since it had failed to protect him.
Joseph Smith now believed all issues in Daviess County to be resolved. Unaware of any developing problems, he returned to Daviess County to visit his newly arrived and settled Canadian Mormon converts. He warned them not to settle beyond the safety of Adam-ondi-Ahman, except at their own risk. The warning went unheeded; the Canadian Mormons continued to pour into Daviess County, further angering the original settlers. On August 11, 1838, while Smith was away in Daviess County, a delegation of officials from Ray County arrived in Far West to barter a peace deal. They had come after receiving copies of Penniston’s affidavit and were concerned about Smith’s intimidating visit to Adam Black’s house. A meeting was organized with Bishop Edward Partridge and George Robinson in lieu of Smith and his group of presidential leaders. No resolution was reported from the meeting and the Ray County delegation had returned to Richmond by the time Smith returned to Far West on August 13. Smith reported that on his way back to Far West he had been chased by a group of angry residents. Smith received word, just eight miles from Far West, of a warrant for his own arrest based on Penniston’s affidavit. Go to the Top
In response to the Adam Black affair, a warrant was issued for Joseph Smith and Lyman Wight, who refused to submit to any trial in Daviess County, Joseph claiming that the people there “were exasperated with him.”
Brandon Kinney writes that,
The affidavits and warrant achieved their desired goal for those opposed to the Mormons. On August 30, 1838, Adjutant General B. M. Lisle in Jefferson City ordered the militia called up to immediate “readiness.” The order went out to Major Generals John B. Clark, Samuel D. Lucas, David Willock, David R. Atchison, Lewis Bolton, Henry W. Crawther, and Thomas D. Grant. Each was ordered to call up four hundred mounted men, armed and equipped as infantry or riflemen. General Lisle suggested that each commander use propriety and a manner calculated to produce as little excitement as possible. There was alarm in Jefferson City, but not to the point that martial law would be required. General Lisle described the reason for mustering the troops: “indications of Indian disturbances on our immediate frontier, and the recent civil disturbances in the counties of Caldwell, Daviess and Carroll.” He continued that such actions rendered “it necessary, as a precautionary measure, that an effective force of the militia be held in readiness to meet either contingency.”
Governor Lilburn W. Boggs also began receiving reports from citizens in various counties. Among these reports were accusations that the Mormons were going to ally with the Indians to accomplish the work of destroying their non-Mormon neighbors. These reports did not help the situation which was already tense:
Another former Mormon turned dissenter, this time from Daviess County, added his report to the growing number of alarms being sent to Governor Boggs. His name was John N. Sapp and he reported the Mormons were “building . . . fortifications for the protection of themselves and families in time of war.” He further explained that their plan was to make provision for enough food for their families by their labor, but should they fall short of their need, they “are to take the balance from the Missourians.” Sapp also mentioned the Mormon paramilitary group to the governor. He described the Danite band as a group between “eight and ten hundred men well armed and equipped who have taken an oath to support Joseph Smith and Lyman Wight in opposition to the State of Missouri.” Sapp claimed that “Sidney Rigdon and Lyman Wight say . . . their object was to induce the Indians to join them [Mormons] in making war upon the Missourians this fall or next spring at farthest.”
At Diahman, “The Mormons had torn down cabins and constructed block houses, built a breastwork to prevent penetration of mounted troops into the city, and gathered food and supplies for a siege.”
Residents of Daviess and Livingston counties added their concerns about the Mormons by writing letters to Governor Boggs. They were apprehensive about an imminent Mormon war and requested state-supplied firearms and powder for their county militia. The state sent forty-five rifles, two hundred pounds of lead and several kegs of powder. As the supplies were being transported through Caldwell County they were intercepted by the Mormons and confiscated, and three of the couriers were taken prisoner (on September 10) and held by the Mormons for several weeks.
The Mormons claimed that the arms had been stolen, and were being taken to mobbers, and therefore had every right to confiscate them. On September 10, the three Missourians taken into custody–John B. Comer, Allen Miller and William L. McHaney were arraigned before a Mormon justice of the peace. The Mormons wrote to Justice Austin King asking for recommendations but instead of waiting for a reply, the men were tried by Albert Petty and found guilty and held without bail.
Justice of the peace William Dryden issued an affidavit to the governor, confirming the Mormons were holding prisoners. Dryden had issued the warrant for the Mormons listed in Adam Black’s affidavit other than Joseph Smith, namely Andrew Ripley, George Smith, Ephraim Owens, Harvey Umstead, Hiram Nelson, A. Brown, John L. Butler, Cornelius Lott, John Woods, H. Redfield, Riley Stewart, James Whiteacre, Andrew Thon, Amos Tubbs, Dr. Gourge, and Abram Nelson. In his affidavit Dryden also explained that the persons named in his Daviess County arrest warrant were being withheld from justice by means of a large armed force. He calculated the Mormon numbers in Daviess County to be 1,500, now out-numbering other county residents. Dryden had appointed deputy Nathaniel H. Blakely and authorized ten guards to execute the writ, but they had been driven from Mormon settlements in Daviess County by force. Concluding his plea for help, the beleaguered justice of the peace observed that Daviess County was without power to enforce civil or criminal process against the Mormons and asked the governor to send a sufficient number of troops to execute the laws of the land. Go to the Top
On September 12, Major General Atchison sent a letter to the Governor, describing events and confirming an insurrection:
[Atchison] explained himself to the governor by stating, “upon the urgent solicitations of Citizens of both counties [Daviess and Caldwell] and also upon the petitions of Citizens of the adjoining counties I have deemed it my duty to order out an armed force to put down such insurrection and to assist the civil officers in the execution of the laws also to prevent as far as possible the effusion of blood and to restore quiet if possible to the community.” Atchison explained to the governor, “this I have done by the advice of the Judge of this Circuit.”33 General Atchison ordered four companies of fifty men each from the militia of Clay County and a like number from the militia of Ray County. He reasoned with Governor Boggs that “the citizens of Daviess County and Caldwell County are under arms so that it is deemed dangerous for peaceable citizens to pass through said counties.”34 The state had another problem on its hands: “Citizens of other counties were flocking in to the Citizens of Daviess County and the Mormons were flocking to the assistance of the Mormons in those counties so that . . . there cannot be less than 2,000 men in arms without any legal authority.” Atchison concluded, “It is very much feared that if once a blow is . . . struck there will be a general conflict the termination of which God only knows.”
In his reply Boggs mentioned the Dryden affidavit and that he wanted Smith arrested on the Daviess County warrant.
On September 15, Brigadier General Doniphan wrote a letter to Atchison:
“On arriving at that place I found Comer, Miller and McHaney, the prisoners mentioned in your order. I demanded of the guard who had them in confinement to deliver them over to me, which he promptly done. I also found that the guns that had been captured by the Sheriff and citizens of Caldwell had been distributed and placed in the hands of the soldiery and scattered over the country; I ordered them to be immediately collected and delivered up to me.
“When my command arrived, the guns were delivered up, amounting to forty-two stand; three stand could not be produced, as they had probably gone to Daviess County. I sent these guns under a guard to your command in Ray County, together with the prisoner Comer; the other two being citizens of Daviess, I retained and brought with me to this county, and released them on parole of honor, as I conceived their detention illegal. At eight o’clock a. m. we took up the line of march and proceeded through Millport in Daviess County, thirty-seven miles from our former encampment, and arrived at the camp of the citizens of Daviess and other ad- joining Counties, which amounted to between two and three hundred, as their commander. Dr. Austin of Carroll informed me.
Your order requiring them to disperse, which had been forwarded in advance of my command, by your aid, James M. Hughes, was read to them, and they were required to disperse. They professed that their object for arming and collecting was solely for defense, but they were marching and counter marching guards out; and myself and others who approached the camp were taken to task and required to wait the approach of the sergeant of the guard. I had an interview with Dr. Austin, and his professions were all pacific. But they still continue in arms, marching and countermarching. “I then proceeded with your aid, J. M. Hughes, and my aid Benjamin Holliday, to the Mormon encampment commanded by Colonel Wight. We held a conference with him, and he professed entire willingness to disband and surrender up to me every one of the Mormons accused of crime, and required in return that the hostile forces, collected by the other citizens of the county, should also disband. At the camp commanded by Dr. Austin I demanded the prisoner demanded in your order, who had been released on the evening after my arrival in their vicinity. “I took up line of march and encamped in the direct road between the hostile encampments, where I have remained since, within about two and a half miles of Wight’s Encampment, and sometimes, the other camp is nearer, and sometimes farther from me. I intend to occupy this position until your arrival, and deem it best to and preserve peace and prevent an engagement between the parties if kept so for a few days they will doubtless disband without coercion.
On Saturday, October 6, 1838 Albert Rockwood (who had recently arrived in Missouri) wrote to family members:
About this time the Sherriff of Caldwell county took 40 stands of armes that were on the road to arm the mob. The Missourians gathered from all the upper Counties to join the mob to the number of several hundreds, they continued to incamp in various places for several miles round Adam-ondi-aman for about 2 weeks, taking some prisoners, robing and insulting in various ways many of the Brethren, and driving many from their homes that were scattered about the county, but those at the City of Adam-ondi-aman were not molested only threatened[.] They were constantly under arms and on the watch[.] The brethren went from this plase by hundreds to their relief. Far West was in a state of constant alarm for several days[.] The common was almost constantly covered with armed men, who were determined to maintain their rights even at the expense of life. [p. 1]
Leland Gentry writes that by mid-September,
Events in Daviess county led to a standoff. To maintain control and prevent bloodshed General Doniphan stationed his troops squarely between the warring factions and declared his intention to remain there until both sides disbanded and went home. He was assisted by Lieutenant General Hiram Parks and a hundred men.
Both Diahman and Far West were well fortified and the Mormon prophet continued to counsel the members in outlying settlements to relocate there for safety and protection.
Joseph Smith and Lyman Wight retained Generals Doniphan and Atchison (who were law partners) on September 4, to negotiate a surrender so they could appear for a hearing. They both appeared before Austin A. King on September 7, and the hearing was conducted by William Penniston (the prosecuting attorney) close to the Caldwell/Daviess County line, in a field near the farm of John Raglin. The Mormons were suspicious and so had a couple of hundred of their number armed and ready for action just across the Caldwell County border, in case anything went amiss at the trial. The Mormon’s fears were groundless, and Smith and Wight were discharged by King.
King though ruled that there was sufficient evidence to warrant further investigation, an so ordered the defendants to stand trial at the next examination of the grand jury. Go to the Top
On September 20, Atchison again reported to Governor Boggs, writing that all unauthorized settler troops from Daviess and adjoining counties had been dispersed. Also, all unauthorized Mormon forces had returned to their homes. He considered the insurrection for the present to be at an end. He reported that the arms taken by the Mormons and the prisoners were both given up on demand, but warned that “from the state of feeling in the county of Daviess and adjoining counties it is very much to be feared, that it [violence] will break out again, and if so, without the interposition of the commander-in-chief the consequences will be awful.”
General Parks wrote to the Governor from Diahman on September 25 that,
“I am happy to inform you that there is not any necessity to use a larger force here at present [100 men]—than now under my command.” He added, “There has been so much prejudice and exaggeration concerned in this matter, that I have found things on my arrival here, totally different from what I was prepared to expect.”
The “Saints” at Diahman, (which included the Snow family) were safely being protected by General Parks and his men. No “mobbers” had attacked the city and none ever did. But events were to take a turn for the worse in short order. Governor Boggs though, upon receiving these auspicious reports from his Generals,
…ordered Adjutant General Lisle on the 24th to order the disbanding of the militia. “The commander-in-chief having this morning received information by express that the civil disturbance in the counties of Daviess and Caldwell have been quieted and order restored to the country. He therefore orders that the troops under your command destined for that service be immediately discharged.” The order was sent out to Generals Bolton, Lucas, Clark, and Atchison, thereby disbanding any and all forces called up in the mustering order of August 30. This reaction would turn out to be premature.
In his September 20th missive to the Governor, Atchison had written about the Mormons:
Most of them [are] equipped with a good rifle or musket, a brace of large belt pistols, and broadsword; so that from their position, their fanaticism and their unalterable determination not to be driven, much blood will be spilt, and much suffering endured, if a blow is once struck.
Atchison’s words proved to be prophetic. A blow would soon be struck, and it wouldn’t be by the Mormons. But once again, the words of Sidney Rigdon would come back to haunt the Mormons.
The Mormons living beyond the borders of Caldwell County were also soon confronted by armed bands of Missouri settlers that had begun prowling about. They would set fire to haystacks and granaries and steal horses and cattle. They even whipped Mormon farmers who attempted to put up a fight. As time progressed it was no longer safe for Mormons to live outside the larger settlements of Adam-ondi-Ahman in Daviess County and DeWitt in Carroll County. As their provisions ran out, each city received word from the land agents from whom the Mormons had originally bought their land that they were willing to buy it back so that the Mormons could leave peaceably. The very thought of selling their land was unbearable to the Mormons, who remembered their exit from Jackson County only six years before. Go to the Top
While events were unfolding in Daviess County which had supposedly brought an end to the insurrection, this could not be farther from the truth. In neighboring Carroll County the Missourians had begun planning to oust the Mormons soon after word spread about Sidney Rigdon’s Fourth of July speech. In August the non-Mormon citizens of Carroll County made a formal demand on the Mormons of the City of DeWitt to leave and return to Caldwell County by October 1st. DeWitt was located near the junction of the Missouri and Grand Rivers and was crucial to the Mormons as it was their only port city. George Hinkle and John Murdock in turn rightly informed the Carroll County Committee that the Mormons as American Citizens would settle where they pleased and would not be forced from their homes. On August 7, the non-Mormon citizens met and voted to remove the Mormons by force of arms.
The citizens of Carroll County were well aware that before Rigdon’s fourth of July speech he had authored another document that was signed by 84 prominent members of the church, including another member of the First Presidency, Hyrum Smith. In that letter (addressed to former members of the church now deemed “dissenters”) Rigdon wrote:
“FAR WEST, June, 1838.
“To Oliver Cowdery, David Whitmer, John Whitmer, William W. Phelps, and Lyman E, Johnson, greeting:
Whereas, the citizens of Caldwell County have borne with the abuses received from you at different times and on different occasions until it is no longer to be endured, neither will they endure it any longer, having exhausted all the patience they have. We have borne long and suffered incredibly, but we will bear nor suffer any longer, and the decree has gone forth from our hearts and shall not return unto us void. Neither think, gentlemen, in so doing we are trifling with either you or ourselves for we are not.
There are no threats from you, no fear of losing our lives by you, or anything you can say or do will restrain us, for out of the county you shall go and no power shall save you, and you shall have three days after you receive this our communication to you, including twenty-four hours in each day for you to depart with your families peaceably, which you may do undisturbed by any person. But in that time, if you do not depart, we will use the means in our power to cause you to depart, for go you shall. …
Vengeance sleeps not neither doth it slumber; and unless you heed us this time, and attend to our request, it will overtake you at an hour when you do not expect it and at a day when you do not look for it, and for you there shall be no escape; for there is but one decree for you which is, depart, depart, or else a more fatal calamity shall befall you.” 
Reed Peck reported that,
S[idney] Rigdon in a public discourse explained satisfactorily no doubt to the people the principles of republicanism (After informing them as an introduction that “some certain characters in the place had been crying you have broken the law–you have acted contrary to the principles of republicanism” he said that “when a country, or body of people have individuals among them with whom they do not wish to associate and a public expression is taken against their remaining among them and such individuals do not remove it is the principle of republicanism itself that gives that community a right to expel them forcibly and no law will prevent it” He also said that it was not against the principles of republicanism for the people to hang the gamblers in Vick’sburgh as it was a matter in which they unanimously acted” 
Taking their cue from the Mormons themselves, the citizens of Carroll County used the same argument against the “Saints”. The Mormons of course, felt justified when they forced the dissenters from their homes, but feigned outrage when the Missourians used the same tactic on them. In both cases it was unconstitutional and illegal. But that didn’t stop either side from doing so, the Mormons with the dissenters and “unfriendlies” in Daviess County, and the “old settlers” with the Mormons.
Acting without orders, the Carroll County militia lay siege to DeWitt. A Mormon witness, Smith Humphrey, remembered the events: “On the morning of the 19th of August 1838 I being in DeWitt I was returning home and was met by an armed force of men I supposed nearly one hundred commanded by Colonel [William Claud] Jones and by force took and kept me prisoner about two hours during which time they made many threats against the people called Mormons such as that they were determined to drive them from that County.” On and off for the next two months Carroll County vigilantes attacked Mormons, burning their homes and stables, until the only refuge was behind a barricade around DeWitt. Smith decided, in reaction, to send 200 newly arrived Canadian converts to reinforce the Mormon defenders.16 Mormons in DeWitt also sent a petition to Governor Boggs on September 22 pleading for state assistance to stay in their homes and stop the lawless acts of the Carroll County settlers. They described the situation in the following terms:
That whereas your petitioners have on the 20th inst. been sorely aggrieved by being beset by a lawless mob certain inhabitants of this and other counties to the injury of the good citizens of this and the adjacent places, that on the afore said day came from one hundred to one hundred and fifty armed men & threatened with force & violence to drive certain peaceable citizens from their homes in defiance of all law & threatened them to drive said citizens out of the county. But on deliberation concluded to give them said citizens till the first of October next to leave said County, & threatened if not gone by that time to exterminate them without regard to age or sex and destroy their chattels [livestock], by throwing them in the river-We therefore pray you to take such steps as shall put a stop to all lawless proceedings. The governor took no acts to stop the Carroll County settlers from expelling the Mormons and left them to defend themselves. In fact by the time he received the request the governor had already declared the insurrection at an end and issued orders to disband the militia that had been called up at the end of August.
Albert Rockwood wrote on October 14 that,
“…an express came from that Place here a week last Thursday night [4 October] r[e]questing asistance & Council. [.] Friday morn Capt. Brunson started with 42 men all mounted and well armed, he was hailed by the Mob that were encamped near De Witt but they passed on and arrived in safety at De Witt[.] On Friday afternoon another company started under Brother Joseph.
The attack [1 October] was made on De Witt by taking Elder Humphreys family and
burning his house[.] He lived about 1 1/2 miles from the landing which is head
quarters, several scattering shots were made at the brethren during 3 or 4 of the
first days, no damage save making holes in their Clothing. [p 8] One heavy
charge was received from the mob when the brethren returned the fire and killed
4 Missourians, The Campaign lasted about a week when a treaty of peace was
made with the mob and the brethren have left the place De Witt was not an
appointed stake of Zion, but was designed as a Port of Landing on [the] Missouri
river[.] It contained about 10 or 12 families of the brethren when I passed through
on my way to this place.”
In a letter to the Governor on October 3, General Samuel Lucas (who had gone to investigate the rumored disturbance), wrote that a fight had taken place and several persons were killed.” This turned out to be inaccurate, no one was killed though there had been an exchange of gunfire by both parties. 
Even though his own Generals wrote to the Governor pleading with him to send in the Militia to stop the aggression of the Carroll County settlers or come himself, Boggs did nothing. Kinney writes that,
Even Captain Bogart of the Missouri militia, who was not engaged in the action at DeWitt, observed that each time they met a Mormon, “he is armed in best manner and continually throwing out his threats.” Bogart described his company’s next movements. “We were ordered to DeWitt in Carroll County. When we arrived at Carrollton we were informed that the people of Carroll and the Mormons, who were mostly Canadians, were assembled within a mile of each other, ready for battle.” In a later report, Bogart explained, “Mormons from Caldwell were on their way to DeWitt.” Captain Bogart requested his company be allowed to move across the road between Far West and DeWitt and intercept the Mormon reinforcements, forcing them back to Caldwell. General Parks, writing from Daviess County, denied his request and Mormon reinforcements were allowed to freely pass into DeWitt, swelling the number of defenders. General Parks did order his troops to move closer to DeWitt after the reinforcements arrived but made no efforts to disperse the combatants; Bogart was infuriated. After two days of encamping his force outside DeWitt, Parks ordered his troops home. He left over two hundred well-armed Mormons in DeWitt that had come from Caldwell, disobeying the express orders of General Atchison to quell the uprising. The conditions in DeWitt were dire. The Mormons had no food to eat or kindling to build fires. Attempts to forage for food and firewood resulted in vigilantes beating any Mormons who ventured out of the town. The women and children were even harried within their homes by volunteer gunmen who rode up within two hundred yards of the town, spraying the buildings with gunfire.
As Albert Rockwood wrote, Joseph Smith had secretly entered DeWitt under the cover of darkness with about two hundred mounted men. Upon his arrival he learned that anyone caught outside the town were being beaten with hickory hearts so they could not forage for supplies, and anyone trying to leave the city was being fired upon. With no supplies coming in, the strength to continue fighting was fading fast. Smith would have to attack an armed force of unknown size, or agree to leave the city and fight another day when the odds were in his favor. On October 10, Smith surrendered the city to the Carroll County settlers. A meeting was held to discuss terms and compensation to the Mormons, and when an agreement was made, the Mormons left DeWitt and departed from Carroll County. Go to the Top
At Diahman, John Smith (Joseph Smith’s uncle) wrote in his diary on Sunday, October 14, that,
…this day we heard our Brethren who had been surrounded by a mobb in east [Carroll] county have agreed to leave the county.
The departure of the Mormons from Carroll County emboldened the settlers in other counties. Residents in Daviess County soon rejected Alexander Doniphan’s offers to settle things amicably and soon word began to spread and the cry went up, “To Hell with Doniphan’s peace settlement!” The Mormons were getting a taste of their own medicine, but unlike the dissenters they had numbers and arms, and they were determined to fight back.
On October 14, Smith announced, “General Doniphan has authorized this body to act as a regiment of the state militia under the command of Col. Hinkle.” Kinney writes that:
Doniphan had procured a militia unit for Caldwell County; however, its use was subject to the orders of the governor just as it was in all other Missouri counties. Smith did not have authority to call up the Caldwell militia to readiness and Governor Boggs never issued an order asking them to deploy. Despite his disdain for Missouri law Smith quickly confirmed: “We are therefore acting within the law. All who are with me will meet tomorrow to march to the defense of Adam-ondi-Ahman.” He reminded his followers, “Greater love hath no man than this, that he lay down his life for his brethren.” Smith’s tone darkened as he noted missing dissenters from the meeting, “Brother Rigdon likes to call them ‘Oh don’t men!’ In this time of war we have no need for such. A man must declare himself friend or enemy. I move a resolution that the property of all ‘Oh don’t men’ be taken over to maintain the war.” The crowd burst into shouting and adulation. Sidney Rigdon, eyes blazing, jumped up and shouted, “I move that the blood of the backward be spilled in the streets of the Far West!” Smith silenced him saying, “No, I move a better resolution. We’ll take them along with us to Daviess County, and if it comes to battle, we’ll sit them on their horses with bayonets and pitchforks and make them ride in front!” In closing Smith declared, “If the people will let us alone, we will preach the gospel in peace. But if they come on us to molest us we will establish our religion by the sword. We will trample down our enemies and make it one of gore and blood from the Rocky Mountains to the Atlantic Ocean.” He prophesied, “I will be to this generation a second Mohammed, whose motto in treating for peace was ‘the Alcoran [Qur’an] or the Sword.’ So shall it eventually be with us—Joseph Smith or the Sword!”
After Smith made his declaration on October 14 in Far West, he took 100 armed and mounted men and rode to DiAhman where he joined Lyman Wight and his force of 250 men. The plan was now to drive the Missourians from Daviess County.
In DiAhman, John Smith wrote on October 15 that he,
…met this morning in general conference entered? into a joint firm the whole church appointed our officers and every man went to work at his respective occupations business seems to go on well the prospects one pleasing the heavens smiles to all appearence upon us 
On the 16th, John Smith recorded that,
…our brethren came here from far west with an armed force a hundred and fifty or 200 men the mob had left earle and had sworn to drive us out of Davis county th<e>y were coming on with all speed with a pieces of cannon this is the third time we have been called to arms this summer to defend ourselves against the mobb have not been able to even build houses and now many of us live in tents and not a finished house in the city the Lord knows when we shall be delivered from these calamities help they servants o Lord
The next day Mormon Danites began to disarm the Missouri settlers that lived in the vicinity of DiAhman. Though John Smith had written that no building was being done because of mob activity, on the 17th he recorded in his diary that “all labour as building or farming etc suspended we have the motion of the mob it is thought best to whip out the mob at all events they are gathering their forces and moving their families out of the Co[unty] and other hostile movements”
It seems clear that those within the city were being told that there were mobs ready to attack them, when in fact most of the Missouri settlers had left the area or were forced out. Eliza Snow thought that the Daviess County settlers leaving was some kind of ploy:
Not long after our young missionaries left us, [Lorenzo Snow and Abel Butterfield] very early one morning, we were utterly astonished with the announcement that all of our neighbors, the “old settlers,” including those of whom our father had purchased, had fled the country. On entering some of the vacated houses, clocks were seen ticking the time, coffee-pots boiling the coffee, and everything indicating a precipitate and compulsory flight. What could be the cause, and what the meaning of this unprecedented and really ominous movement was veiled in the deepest mystery, until the reaction solved it by bringing to light the most cruel perfidy. We soon learned that those unscrupulous hypocrites had scattered abroad through- the settlements, arousing a mob feeling against the Latter-day Saints, by reporting that the “Mormons” had driven them from their homes, they having barely escaped with their lives at the expense of all they possessed.
On October 18, companies of Danites left DiAhman and raided the settlements of Gallatin, Millport, and Grindstone Fork. John Smith wrote that they were “watching the enemy today and taking measures to disperse the mob”
The “mob” were simply the non-Mormon citizens of Daviess County and the militia. One resident, Henry Lee was visited by a company of Mormons who ordered him to leave his house. They told him they were going to take all of his property and that he better get away. He left his home in the hands of the Mormons and reported the incident to justice of the peace Adam Black.
Kinney writes that,
One company of approximately one hundred men was ordered to attack Gallatin under the command of David Patten, code-named Captain Fearnought. At the same time another company of one hundred men under the command of Col. Lyman Wight was given the task of attacking Millport. A third company of one hundred men under the command of Seymour Brunson attacked Grindstone Fork. The first objective was to take provisions for the winter and compensation for Mormon losses in Jackson and Carroll counties. The second objective was to drive all non-Mormons from the county. The Mormons rounded up all horses, cattle, and hogs they could find and brought them back to Adam-ondi-Ahman. A young Mormon by the name of Oliver Huntington, who was not allowed to participate in the raids because of his age, had climbed up to Adam’s altar, the highest point in Adam-ondi-Ahman, to see what he could of the fighting. He recollected of the day: “I saw the smoke rising toward heaven, which filled me with ambition.” The following day the youth reported, “I went to Bishop Knight’s house and saw the plunder . . . and heard them tell in what order they took the place.
In retaliation for raids against isolated Mormon farms, Mormon forces (primarily, if not exclusively, Danites) pillaged two non-Mormon towns. “There is no question,” writes Brigham Young University professor William G. Hartley, “that Latter-day Saint rangers burned buildings at Millport and Gallatin,” including the U.S. post office and county treasurer’s office. In the most candid account ever written by a Utah Mormon historian about the Missouri Danites, he also acknowledges: “It is certain that some Danites played the thief, and it is possible, although unproven, that one or two were murderers.” Horrified by what was happening, the Quorum of Twelve’s president Thomas B. Marsh prepared a formal affidavit against these Mormon depredations, for which he was excommunicated and classed as an apostate. His co-signer was Apostle Orson Hyde who remorsefully returned to the church within a year and received again his position in the Twelve.
This kind of behavior was too much for Thomas B. Marsh and Orson Hyde, who withdrew from the church and gave statements on the 24th of October:
At the request of a committee of the Citizens of Ray county I make the following statement in relation to the recent movements, plans & intentions of the mormons in the Counties of Caldwell & Daviess – Shortly after the settlement of the difficulties at Dewitt in Carroll County , a call was made by the Mormons at Far West, in Caldwell County for volunteers to go to Daviess County , to disperse the mob, as they said. on the day before this Joseph Smith the prophet, had preached in which he said, that all the Mormons, who refused to take up armz, if necessary, in difficulties with the citizens, should be shot, or otherwise put to death; and as I was there with my family, I thought it most prudent to go, and did go with my wagon, and as the driver
We marched to Adamondeomon, and found no troops or mob in Daviess County Scouting parties frequently went out & brought in intelligence that they had seen from three to five men We got to Diamon on tuesday evening, [October 16] & on the next day a company of about eighty of the mormons, commanded by a man, fictitiously name Captain Fearnot, [Apostle David W. Patton] marched to Gallatin They returned and said they had run off from Gallatin twenty or thirty men and had taken Gallatin had taken on prisoner and another had joined the company.
I afterwards learned from the mormons, that they had burned Gallatin, and that it was done by the aforesaid company that marched there. The mormons informed me that they had hauled away all the goods from the store in Gallatin; and deposited them at the Bishop’s store houses. at Adam on diahmon On the same day Lyman Wight marched about eighty horsemen for Mills Port He returned before night and called for Joseph Smith & Hiram Smith, to report to them (said Hiram being counsellor of said Joseph the prophet) and Said Wight reported that he had been in sight of Millport saw no one to fight, but that the people generally had gone & left their houses and property
The prophet on hearing the property was left, commenced a reply & said “We had better see to it”, When Wyght stopped him by saying never mind, we will have a private counsel, and Smith replied very well. The private counsel. I did not hear The men were dismissed to go to their camps
The same evening a number of footmen came up from the direction of Millport, laden with property, which, I was informed, consisted of beds, clocks, & other household furniture The same night, I think, about three wagons were despatched for about forty bee gums, & the next day saw several gums, where they were splitting them up & taking the honey & burning the gums, in which business of taking out the honey, but few were engaged, for fear, as they said, they would be called on as witness against them. When Wyght returned from Millport & informed Smith that the people were gone & the property left, Smith asked him if they had left any of the negroes for them & Wyght replied no. Upon which some one laughed and said to Smith, you have lost your negroe [ ]
During the same time a company, called the fur company, were sent out to bring in fat hogz & cattle calling the hogs, bears & the cattle, buffaloe. They brought in at one time seven cattle, & at another time four or five belonging to the people of Daviess 2 hogs were brought in dead, but I know not how many, I saw only two
They have among them a company consisting of all that and considered true mormons, called the Danites, who have taken an oath to support the leader of the Church in all things, that they say or do, whether right or wrong, many however of this band are much dissatisfied with this oath, as being against moral and religious principles. On Saturday last I am informed by the mormons, that they had a meeting at Far West at which they appointed a company of twelve by the name of the destruction company, for the purpose of burning & destroying & that if the people of Buncombe came to do mischief upon the people of Caldwell. & committed depredations on the mormons. they were to burn Buncombe & if the people of Clay & Ray made any movements against them, this destroying company were to burn Liberty & Richmond . This burning was to be done secretly by going as incendiaris.
At the same meeting I was informed they passed a decree that no mormon dissenter should leave Caldwell county alive & that such as attempted to do it should be shot down & sent to tell their tale in eternity. In a conversation between Doct. Avard & other mormons, said Avard proposed to start a pestilence among the gentiles as he called them by poisoning their corns, fruit &c. and saying it was the work of the Lord and said Avard advocated lying for the support of their religion, & said it was no harm to lie for the Lord. The plan of said Smith, the prophet, is to take this State, & he professes to his people to intend taking the U.S. & ultimately the whole world This is the belief of the Church & my own opinion of the prophet’s plan & intentions It is my opinion that neither said Joseph Smith the prophet nor any one of the principal men who is firm in the faith, could be indicted for any offence in the County of Caldwell .
The prophet inculcates the notion, & it is believed by every true mormon, that Smiths prophecies are superior to the law of the land. I have heard the prophet say that he should yet tread down his enemiez & walk over their dead bodies
That if he was not let alone he would be a Mahamet to this generation, & that he would make it it one gore of blood, from the Rocky mountains to the Atlantic ocean . That like Mahamet, whose motto, in treating for peace was the Alcoran, or the sword. So should it be eventually with us. Jo Smith or the sword These last statements were made during the last summer. The number of armed men at Adamondiamon, was between three & four hundred
The most of the Statements in the foregoing desclosures of Thomas B. March, I know to be true the remainder I believe to be true.
Richmond . Oct: 24 th . 1838
Orson Hyde sworn to and subscribed before me on the day above written Henry Jacobs J. P. The undersigned committee on the part of the Citizensz of Ray County have no doubt, but that Thomas B. Marsh & Orson Hide, whose names are signed to the foregoing certificates have been memberz of the Mormon church, in full fellowship until very recently, when they voluntarily abandoned the mormon
On October 22, Major General Atchison wrote to Governor Boggs:
Liberty Oct. 22 nd. 1838. To his Excellency the Commander in Chief Sir, Almost every hour I receive information of outrage and violence; of burning, and plundering in the county of Daviess ; it seems that the Mormons have become desperate and act like mad = men, they have burned a store in Gallatin , they have burnt Millport, they have it is said plundered several houses and have taken away the arms from Diverse Citizens of that county. A cannon that was employed in the siege of De Witt in Carroll County , and taken for a like purpose to Daviess County , has fallen into the hands of the Mormons, it is also reported that the anti Mormons have when opportunity offered disarmed the Mormons, and burnt several of their houses. The great difficulty in settling this matter seems to be in not being able Identify the offenders; I am convinced that nothing short of driving the Mormons from Daviess County will satisfy the party opposed to them, and this I have not the power to do as I conceive legally. There are no troops at this time in Daviess County; nor do I deem it expedient to send any there.___for I am well convinced that it would but make matters worse, for Sir I do not feel disposed to disgrace myself, or permit the troops under my command to disgrace the State, and themselves, by acting the part of a mob. If the Mormons are to be drove from their homez let it be done without any color of law, and in open defiance thereof; let it be done by volunteerz acting upon their own responsibilitiez. However I deem it my duty to Submit these matters to the commander in chief, and will conclude by Saying it will be my greatest pleasure to execute any order your Excellency Should think proper to give in this matter with promptnesz and to the very letter. I have the honor to be your Excellenceys Most Obt. Servt. David R. Atchison Major Genl. 3 rd. Dvis M. M. 
The Governor also received other reports, but still refused to intervene. Kinney writes:
Colonel William P. Penniston, the anti-Mormon agitator, reported to the governor, “It’s unheard of and unprecedented the conduct and high-handed proceedings of the Mormons.” On October 15 they had learned “the Mormons were collecting in Far West, for the purpose of driving, what they term the mob, from this county.” The Mormons used that term to include all the citizens of Daviess County who were not Mormons. Colonel Penniston went on to describe the actions of the Mormons: “They have plundered and robbed and burned every house in Gallatin,” including the county treasury office. The Mormons “have driven almost every individual from the county, who are now flying before them with their families, many of whom have been forced out without necessary clothing–their wives and children wading, in many instances, through the snow without shoes.” Penniston continued to describe the ghastly conditions the Daviess County settlers suffered at the hand of the Mormons. “When the miserable families are then forced out, their houses are plundered and then burned.” The Mormons “are making this universal throughout the county.” The colonel reminded the governor, “these facts are being made known to you . . . hoping that your authority will be used to stop . . . this banditti of Canadian refugees and restore us to our lost homes.” Penniston concludes his letter to the governor by discrediting the reports of Mormon sympathizing leaders. “Can such proceedings be submitted to in a government of laws? I think not— notwithstanding the political juggling of such men as David R. Atchison and some others, whose reports and circulations setting the conduct and character of the Mormons more favorably before the community, are believed by the people of this county to be prompted by the hope of interest.” Here was yet another report discrediting Atchison to the governor, hastening his replacement as field commander-in-chief. 
Encountering little to no resistance, the Mormons sacked the entirety of Daviess County, threatening any of the settlers (they deemed unfriendly) with death if they stayed. The Mormons also made incursions into Livingston County. The residents of Daviess County fled in fear, leaving all of their possessions behind. Others were forced by the Mormons to leave, and their homes and property burned after the Mormons took what they could. Kinney writes,
On October 18, after the weather had calmed and his men had had a chance to resupply at their homes, Captain Bogart recalled his company. He settled his command in a clearing twelve miles north of Elkhorn, which lay near the line dividing Caldwell and Ray counties. Mormon troops had been spotted patrolling the area in force. Bogart informed General Atchison that the Mormons had turned their threatening posture toward Ray County. “They have threatened to burn Buncombe and Elkhorn.” Captain Bogart had, on his own direction, ordered his company, which numbered fifty men, to prevent any such outrage from occurring. The militia troops were going to be grossly outnumbered. Realizing his precarious situation the captain earnestly sought additional assistance from General Atchison. He warned the general, “the people of Ray are going to take the law into their own hands and put an end to the Mormon War.”44 Bogart was correct; on the 23rd, the same day he sent his dispatch to Atchison, the citizens of Ray County held a committee meeting in Richmond for the purpose of deciding what should be done about the recent threats and events. They determined that a final demand for assistance must be sent to the governor. The fallback measure would be for Ray County citizens to volunteer and defeat the Mormons before they were allowed to sack and pillage the county. In their petition to the governor the committee confirmed that they received confirmation of the fact Gallatin and Millport had been burned and sacked, that all non-Mormon residents of Daviess had fled for either Livingston or Ray counties, that the Mormons had taken the firearms of all the Daviess County residents, including a cannon. Summing up, the committee reported, “the news . . . reaches us hourly that they are destroying the property of the citizens that they cannot carry away, all that they can carry away they take; blood and plunder appears to be their object. All those who do not join with them . . . are banished from Caldwell and all those from other counties who are opposed to them are threatened.
On October 23, Thomas C. Burch, a Richmond prosecuting attorney on the Fifth Circuit also sent a report to Governor Boggs. He wrote,
The mormon difficultiez are arrising and have arisen here to an alarming height. It is Said (and I believe truly) that they have recently robbed and burned the Stone house of Mr. I. Stollingz in Gallatin Daviesz County , and that they have burned Several dwelling houses of the Citizens of Daviesz taken their arms from them, and have
taken Some provisions. Mormon dissenters are daily flying to this county for refuge from the ferocity of the Prophet Jo. Smith, who they say threatens the lives of all mormons who refuse to take up arms at his bidding, or to do his commands. Those dissenters (and they are numerousz) all confirm the reports Concerning the Danite band of which you have doubtlesz heard much; and Say that Jo. infuses into the minds of his followers a Spirit of insubordination to the laws of the Land, telling them that the Kingdom of the Lord is come, which is Superior to the institutions of the earth, and encourages them to fight and promises them the Spoilz of the battlez. A respectable Gentleman of my acquaintance from Livingston is here now who informz me that the mormons are robbing the citizens of Livingston, on the borders of Caldwell of their corn and whatever else they want; that they have taken a cannon from Livingston County , and are prowling about the country, a regularly formed banditti. That the Prophet Jo. Smith has persuaded his church that they are not, and ought not to be amenable to the laws of the land, and is Still doing it I have no doubt. The Danite band as I am informed by numbers of the most respectable of the mormons (who are now dissenters) bind them to support the high council of the mormon church, and one, another in all things whether right or wrong, and that even by false swearing. I have taken much pains to be informed correctly about this Danite band, and am well Satisfied that my information as above Stated is correct, I have no doubt but that Jo. Smith is az lawlesz and consumate a Scoundrel as ever was the veiled Prophet of [Chorassin]. I believe the criminal law in Caldwell county cannot be enforced upon a mormon. Grand Iurys there will not indict. Jo. declarez in his public addressez that he can revolutionize the U.S. and that if provoked, he will do it. This declaration has been heard by Col.Williams of this place and other Gentlemen of equal veracity. I have hoped that the civil authoritiez would prove Sufficient for the exigency of the case; but I am now convinced that it is not, So long as indictmentz have to be found by a Jury of the County in which the Offence may be committed. I do not pretend to have wisdom enough to make a Suggestion as to what Your Excellency should do. The evil is alarming beyond all doubt. I suggest the foregoing facts for Your consideration.
I am Respectfully Yr. Obt. Servt. Th. C. Burch  Go to the Top
Reed Peck reported that,
On the night of the 24th Oct this company under command of Capt Bogart was encamped on Crooked River 12 miles South of Far West and two miles south of the line of Caldwell county[.] Information was received in Far West about midnight that this company had taken some prisoners and burned some Mormon houses
David W. Patten was immediately placed at the head of 75 or 100 volunteers and proceeded within two miles of the militia or “mob” as the Mormons called them where they left their horses with a Small guard and march silently on foot till hailed by the Sentinal with. “Who comes there[?]”
Capt Patten answered “friends,” Sentinel “Are you armed[?] Patten: “We are —–” Sentinel. “Then lay down your arms” Patten to his men “Fire” Some of the foremost men attempted to shoot but their pieces “snapped”
The sentinel shot one of the “Friends” through the hip and ran into Camp closely followed by the Mormons
Day had just began to dawn when they rushed upon their enemies echoing their war cry “God and liberty.” A few minutes decided the contest in favor of the Mormons The militia soon fled leaving their horses and baggage in camp[.] One of their number was killed on the ground several wounded and one taken prisoner by the Mormons
Gideon Carter brother of Jared (6) was killed in the battle and David W. Patten and one other of eight that were wounded of the Mormons died the following day Early in the morning intelligence of this battle was received in Far West and the presidency and Lyman Wight rode out to meet the victorious Mormons and marched at their head back to town
The prisoner taken by the Mormons was released on their march back with instructions to follow a certain path which was pointed out to him but being suspicious of treachery he travelled in it but a short distance and left it for a Safer way in the woods Certain movements convinced him that an ambush had been placed to cut off his return and he no sooner left the path than he discovered a man in the act of shooting To save himself he “bent forward, ran crooked and dodged behind trees” but the cold hearted villain (I know him well) [Parley P. Pratt] deliberately sent a ball through his hip and left him, thinking perhaps he had given him his death wound
The horses taken in the battle were distributed among the Mormons and receipted for to Coln Hinkel In Richmond the first information received of this battle was that the whole company of 50 or 60 men was massacred and before the report was corrected Amos Rees and Wily C. Williams were far on their way to the Governor with this intelligence
Immediately after the battle of Crooked River nearly all Caldwell County were astir removing their families and effects to Far West as a place of Safety
D. Michael Quinn:
Danites who maintained lifelong loyalty to the LDS church later wrote of what they did to defenseless “gentiles” during this “Mormon War” in Missouri. For example, twenty-year-old Benjamin F. Johnson participated a raid that Danite captain Cornelius P. Lott led against an isolated settlement:
My sympathies were drawn toward the women and children, but I would in no degree let them deter me from duty. So while others were pillaging for something to carry away, I was doing my best to protect, as far as possible, the lives and comfort of the families who were dependent on getting away upon horseback….While others were doing the burning and plunder, my mission was of mercy so far as duty would permit. But of course I made enemies at home, and became more known by those who were our avowed enemies. Before noon we had set all on fire and left upon a circuitous route towards home.
The LDS publishing house of the Central States Mission printed that uncomfortable acknowledgement of Mormon depredations. However, Oliver B. Huntington offered no apology, and this lifelong Mormon wrote decades later that he and other Danites had “the privilege of retaking as much as they took from us.” And sometimes the property of gentiles who had been friendly to their Mormon neighbors was plundered by Mormons who did not know them.
James Bracken, also a devout Mormon, acknowledged that during 1838 “some of the brethren did things they should not have done, such as appropriating to their own use things that did not belong to them.” He noted that Joseph Smith had not authorized such stealing. Bracken may not have been a Danite, but Justus Morse was and had listened to Smith authorize a Danite meeting (apparently after the Gallatin fight) to “suck the milk of the gentiles.” Morse, who remained loyal to the prophet throughout his life, added that Smith explained “that we had been injured by the mob in Missouri, and to take from the gentiles was no sin,” merely retribution. The Mormon prophet had unleashed the fury of the Danites by his published endorsement of “taking vengeance” in the event of hostilities and by his private instructions for the Danites to “suck the milk of the gentiles.” Thus, a recent history by the LDS church acknowledges that “Danite depredations, both real and imagined, intensified hostilities” with Missouri authorities. In addition, despite their participation in such Danite raids against civilians, Smith later advanced both Lott and Johnson to his theocratic Council of Fifty.
Nevertheless, there is evidence that Smith and leaders like Brigham Young disapproved of Sampson Avard’s instructions to Danites that plundering all non-Mormons should be standard procedure and to kill any Danite who faltered in that obligation. Danite Lorenzo D. Young later wrote of his opposition to those teachings and of his brother Brigham’s warning to beware of Avard. Lorenzo’s autobiography implied this meant he also rejected Danite affiliation. To the contrary, he later described taking orders from Seymour Brunson (a Danite officer) for Lorenzo and Albert P. Rockwood (another Danite) to “patrol the country every night” and to demand the “countersign” (which Shurtliff described as Danite). Avard also testified in court that “I once had a command as an officer, but Joseph Smith removed me from it.” Since that happened before Mormon forces surrendered and [p.99] before Avard turned state’s evidence, there is good reason to believe that he promoted an extreme interpretation of Sidney Rigdon’s sermons of June-July 1838, which were radical enough in themselves.
However, it is anachronistic to apply Smith’s later rejection of Avard to the Danite general’s actions four months earlier. In the early summer of 1838, Avard was the stalking-horse for the First Presidency. The Danite constitution specified: “All officers shall be subject to the commands of the Captain General, given through the Secretary of War.” Joseph Smith had held the latter position “by revelation” in the church’s “war department” for three years, and had been commander-in-chief of the Armies of Israel for four years. What the Danites did militarily during the summer and fall of 1838 was by the general oversight and command of Joseph Smith.
In the skirmishes that both sides called “battles,” Mormons used deadly force without reluctance. Benjamin F. Johnson wrote that Danite leader (and future apostle) Lyman Wight told his men to pray concerning their Missouri enemies: “That God would Damn them & give us pow[e]r to Kill them.” Likewise, at the beginning of the Battle of Crooked River on 25 October 1838, Apostle David W. Patten (a Danite captain with the code-name “Fear Not”) told his men: “Go ahead, boys; rake them down.” The highest ranking Mormon charged with murder for obeying this order was Apostle Parley P. Pratt who allegedly took the careful aim of a sniper in killing one Missourian and then severely wounding militiaman Samuel Tarwater. This was after Apostle Patten received a fatal stomach wound. In their fury at the sight of their fallen leader, some of the Danites mutilated the unconscious Tarwater “with their swords, striking him lengthwise in the mouth, cutting off his under teeth, and breaking his lower jaw; cutting off his cheeks…and leaving him [for] dead.” He survived to press charges against Pratt for attempted murder.
Captain Bogart fell back after the Mormon attack but held fast the northern half of Ray County. The initial express messenger to Richmond reported all but three of the fifty to sixty militiamen had been massacred in the attack. In fact only one militia soldier had been killed. It was also reported that Bogart had been overrun by three hundred Mormons and that most if not all of the unit was captured. Ray County’s citizen committee, despairing the imminent raid on Richmond, immdediately sent dispatches to the governor and the surrounding counties asking for immediate assistance in repelling the Mormon invasion. Major Amos Rees and Colonel Wiley Williams sent a dispatch to General John B. Clark at midnight on the 25th reporting the attack and other Mormon atrocities in Daviess County, lamenting the prospect that all of the men of Bogart’s command taken prisoner would be killed by the “wretched desperadoes” of Caldwell. The Mormons were reportedly planning an attack on Richmond the following night and the city was in a panic. The women and children were being shipped down to Lexington and other surrounding cities. Lafayette County Judge E. M. Ryland sent Rees and Williams instructions to alert the governor of the situation and all the counties along the way. Richmond “is expected to be sacked and burned [by Mormons but that] we sent one hundred well-armed and daring men.” Ryland was confident the Lafayette County men would “give the Mormons a warm reception in Richmond, tonight.” He concluded with urgency, “haste must be made in order to stop the devastation menaced by these infuriated fanatics. The volunteers must be prepared to expel or exterminate the Mormons from the State. Nothing but this can give tranquility to the Public . . . and reestablish the law.” Once again the extermination wording first coined by Sidney Rigdon in his July 4th address and distributed by Smith all over northern Missouri would come back to haunt them.
Upon hearing the news the Governor’s reaction was extreme. On the 27th of October 1838 Lilburn W. Boggs issued Order No. 44 to General Clark, in which he wrote that he had received reports “of the most appal[l]ing character which entirely changes the face of things and places the Mormons in the attitude of an open and armed defiance of the laws And of having made war upon the people of this State. Your orders are therefore to hasten your operation with all possible speed.” Boggs then gave an order that no Governor had ever given in the history of the United States:
The Mormons must be treated as enemies and must be exterminated or driven from the State if necessary for the public peace their outrages are beyond all description. If you can increase your force you are authorized to do so to any extent you may consider necessary.
Though much has been said about how the word “exterminate” should be interpreted, it is obvious that the Governor wanted the Mormons to leave the state, and if they would not, he would have his Generals use deadly force against them.  Go to the Top
D. Michael Quinn observed in The Mormon Hierarchy that “Mormon marauding against non-Mormon Missourians in 1838 was mild by comparison with the brutality of the anti-Mormon militias.”
Three days after Governor Lilburn W. Boggs issued a military order that the Mormons “must be exterminated, or driven from the State,” a Missouri militia unit attacked the LDS settlement at Haun’s Mill on 30 October 1838. They shot at and wounded thirteen fleeing women and children, then [p.100] methodically killed eighteen males, including two boys (ages nine and ten). When one of the Missouri militiamen found ten-year-old Sardius Smith’s hiding place, he put “his rifle near the boy’s head, and literally blowed off the upper part of it,” testified survivor and general authority Joseph Young shortly thereafter. Other Missourians used a “corn-cutter” to mutilate the still-living Thomas McBride. When the survivors found the elderly man, his corpse was “literally mangled from head to foot.” Aside from Young’s status as a near-victim along with his wife and children, Haun’s Mill struck at the heart of other general authorities: Sardius was a nephew of former Seventy’s president Sylvester M. Smith whose brother also died in the massacre, and recently appointed apostle Willard Richards lost a nephew there.
A generally unacknowledged dimension of both the extermination order and the Haun’s Mill massacre, however, is that they resulted from Mormon actions in the Battle of Crooked River. Knowingly or not, Mormons had attacked state troops, and this had a cascade effect. Local residents feared annihilation: “We know not the hour or minute we will be laid in ashes,” a local minister and county clerk wrote the day after the battle. “For God’s sake give us assistance as quick as possible.” Correspondingly, the attack on state troops weakened the position of Mormon friends in Missouri’s militia and government. Finally, upon receiving news of the injuries and death of state troops at Crooked River, Governor Boggs immediately drafted his extermination order on 27 October 1838 because the Mormons “have made war upon the people of this state.” Worse, the killing of one Missourian and mutilation of another while he was defenseless at Crooked River led to the mad-dog revenge by Missourians in the slaughter at Haun’s Mill. Go to the Top
Concerning the surrender of Joseph Smith at Far West, Richard Bushman writes,
The war rapidly concluded after the Haun’s Mill massacre. On October 30, Joseph Smith found an army of Missouri militia men drawn up a mile and a half south of Far West, temporarily under the command of Samuel Lucas of Jackson County, the ranking officer until General Clark arrived. Joseph spoke bravely of taking a stand, but when he got news of the Haun’s Mill attack, he foresaw the same fate for Far West and Adam-ondi-Ahman. John Corrill, Reed Peck, and George Hinkle from the Mormon side entered into negotiations with Alexander Doniphan acting for Lucas. Both Peck and Corrill claimed Joseph was eager to sue for peace. Corrill said he was told “to beg like a dog for peace, and afterwards [Joseph] said he would rather go to States-prison for twenty years, or would rather die himself than have the people exterminated.”
On October 31, Lucas presented terms to Hinkle and required him to bring Joseph and other key leaders into the Missourian camp. Failing that, Lucas threatened to reduce Far West to ashes. As legal support for the threat, he showed the Mormons the governor’s order. Lucas gave them an hour to decide and prepared his 2,500 men for battle. Seeing the Missouri forces approaching, the Far West leaders hurriedly complied. Near sunset, Joseph and four others walked the six hundred yards between the Mormon lines and the advancing militia and put themselves into the hands of their enemies.
Joseph thought he went to negotiate, as the head of the opposing forces, but Lucas wanted prisoners charged with crimes against the state. He had told Hinkle that Joseph would be taken captive if the peace terms were accepted; if they were turned down, he would be returned to Far West and the Mormons would take the consequences. Instead of negotiating, as he should have since the terms were not yet accepted, Lucas dealt with Joseph like a prisoner of war. A guard of fifty men escorted the Mormons through lines of jeering soldiers, who were delighted to have captured the infamous Prophet. As Joseph said, “Instead of being treated with that respect which is due from one citizen to another, we were taken as prisoners of war, and were treated with the utmost contempt.” Parley Pratt said that “these all set up a constant yell, like so many bloodhounds let loose upon their prey.” A Missourian later remembered the five Mormons “were about as badly scared set as I ever saw,” save for Lyman Wight, who “stood like a lion . . . without a sign of fear about him.” That night Joseph slept in the rain on the ground, surrounded by an armed guard. That was far from what he expected, and he ever after thought that Hinkle had betrayed him.
Seeing no alternative, Joseph acceded to Lucas’s terms. The Mormons were to give up their arms and leave the state. Those accused of crimes were to be surrendered and tried. Mormon property in Missouri was to be confiscated to reimburse the Daviess citizens whose houses had been burned. The Mormons were to give up everything except their lives. Hinkle thought the demands beyond reason and wanted to seek better. He argued they were being asked to give up “their most sacred rites as citizens of a republican state.” Joseph, with little faith in republican rights, sent word to comply anyway. With 2,500 Missouri militia men camped outside of Far West, he had no stomach for battle. The Mormons were to give up their Zion.  Go to the Top
John Corrill wrote about the events after Smith agreed to surrender Far West:
This [Extermination] order greatly agitated my mind. I expected we should be exterminated without fail. There lay three thousand men, highly excited and full of vengeance, and it was as much as the officers could do to keep them off from us anyhow; and they now had authority from the executive to exterminate, with orders to cut off our retreat, and the word Mormons, I thought, included innocent as well as guilty; so of course there was no escape for any. These were my first reflections on hearing the order. But General Lucas soon said that they would be more mild than the order required; that if we would give up the heads of the Church to be punished; surrender our arms; give up all our property, (those who had taken up arms,) to pay the debts of the whole Church and the damages done in Davies and elsewhere; and then all leave the state forthwith, except those retained to be punished, they would spare our lives, and protect us out of the state.
The sun was then about two hours high, and he gave us till sunset to make up our minds and deliver the prisoners. A gentleman of note told me that if these men were suffered to escape, or if they could not be found, nothing could save the place from destruction and the people from extermination. We knew that General Lucas had no authority, and his requirements were illegal; for he was out of the bounds of his division, and the Governor’s order was to General Clark, and not to him; but there was no other way for the Mormons but to submit. We immediately went into town and collected Joseph Smith, Jr., Sidney Rigden , Lyman Wight, Parley P. Pratt, and George W. Robertson together, and told them what the Governor’s order and General Lucas required. Smith said if it was the Governor’s order, they would submit, and the Lord would take care of them. So we hurried with them as fast as possible to the place appointed. We met General Lucas, with his army, but a short distance from town. He had made every arrangement to surround and destroy the place; but the prisoners delivered themselves up, and General Lucas, with the army and prisoners, returned to their camp. These prisoners were to be retained as hostages till morning, and then, if they did not agree to the proposals, they were to be set at liberty again. I suppose they agreed to the proposals, for they were not set at liberty.
Next morning, General Lucas marched his army near to town, and Colonel Hinkle marched out the Mormons, who gave up their arms, about six hundred guns, besides swords and pistols, and surrendered themselves as prisoners.
I would here remark, that a few days previous to this, news had frequently come to Far West that they were soon to be attacked, and Caldwell County destroyed; so the judge of the county court had ordered Colonel Hinkle, with the militia, to guard the county against invasion. They turned out and organized under this order, and in this situation surrendered to General Lucas. A guard was placed around Far West to keep all things secure, and General Parks, with an army, was sent to Adamondiaman, where were about one hundred and fifty armed Mormons, who surrendered to him and gave up their arms. The five prisoners who first surrendered, together with Amasa Lyman and Hiram Smith, who had been added to them, remained in the camp until Friday morning, When General M. Wilson, of Jackson, started the prisoners and arms to Independence. The troops were then discharged except a guard around town.
On Saturday evening or Sunday morning, General Clark arrived with fourteen hundred mounted men, and said there were six thousand more within a day’s march, but they were turned back. Previous to the arrival of General Clark, the Mormons were gathered together and about five hundred made to sign a deed of trust, in which five commissioners were appointed, to whom they deeded all their property in trust for the use of all the creditors of the Church, and also to pay all the damages done by the Danites, and the overplus, if any, was to be refunded. General Clark ratified what General Lucas had done, and kept the town well guarded, and permitted none to go out, except now and then one to see their families and then return again. However, in a day or two, he gathered up all the Mormon prisoners and selected forty or fifty, such as he thought, from the best information he could get, ought to be punished, and put them in a store and had them guarded overnight. He then withdrew the guard from town and let the remainder go free, but the next day marched with the prisoners to Richmond, where General Lucas had been previously ordered to return the prisoners and arms he had taken to Independence.
It was when General Lucas’s main body of Militia was disbanded and he was left with only a small detachment to guard Far West that most of the accusations of abuse began to circulate. Since there was no watch kept around the town at this time, many of the Mormons who had taken part in the Battle of Crooked River, or despoiling Daviess County escaped. The Mormons that remained at Far West had to endure horrible conditions, as the Militia had replenished their supplies from Mormon storehouses and the crops surrounding Far West. Many families had nothing to eat but a little corn and many went hungry. When General Clark arrived conditions improved. He placed a guard around the town and shared militia rations with the Mormons.
The Mormons who Joseph Smith had chosen to broker a deal with the Missourians would write about the treatment of the “Saints” at Far West:
“Certificate of Mormons as to the conduct of Gen. Clark and his troops.
“Richmond, November 23, 1838. “Understanding that Maj. Gen. Clark is about to return with the whole of his command from the scene of difficulty, we avail ourselves of this occasion to state that we were present when the “Mormons” surrendered to Maj. Gen. Lucas at Far West, and remained there until Maj. Gen. Clark arrived; and we are happy to have an opportunity as well as the satisfaction of stating that the course of him [Clark] and his troops while at Far West was of the most respectful kind and obliging character towards the said Mormons; and that the destitute among that people are much indebted to him for sustenance during his stay. The modification of the terms upon which the “Mormons” surrendered, by permitting them to remain until they could safely go in the spring, was also an act that gave general satisfaction to the Mormons. We have no hesitation in saying that the course taken by Gen. Clark with the Mormons was necessary for the public peace, and that the “Mormons” are generally satisfied with his course, and feel in duty bound to say that the conduct of the General, his staff officers and troops, was highly honorable as soldiers and citizens, so far as our knowledge extends; and we have heard nothing derogatory to the dignity of the state in the treatment of the prisoners.”
W. W. PHELPS,
[Signed] JOHN CLEMINSON,
G. M. HINKLE,
JOHN CORRILL, 
Of course the above was contested by the Mormon leadership on the grounds that Corrill and Phelps were “bitter enemies” of Church leadership, but this is not borne out in later events. Joseph Smith characterized George M. Hinkle, John Corrill, Reed Peck, and other witnesses as men “who are so very ignorant that they cannot appear respectable in any decent civilized society, and whose eyes are full of adultery, and cannot cease from sin.”  At their trial in Richmond, Hyrum Smith lied about the Danites when he testified that,
“Many people came to see. They saw the houses burning; and, being filled with prejudice, they could not be made to believe but that the “Mormons” set them on fire; which deed was most diabolical and of the blackest kind; for indeed the “Mormons” did not set them on fire, nor meddle with their houses or their fields.”
Hyrum Smith, Brigham Young and Parley Pratt were also willing to lie about Joseph Smith to defend him. Brigham Young stated that Joseph Smith “was in no way connected with the Militia of that state [Missouri], neither did he bear arms at all, nor give advice.” Hyrum Smith asserted that his brother “never bore arms, as a military man, in any capacity whatever, whilst in the state of Missouri, or previous to that time; neither has he given any orders or assumed any command in any capacity whatever.” Parley P. Pratt further contended that the Prophet “never bore arms or did military duty, not even in self defense.” The testimony that Joseph Smith played a leading role in Mormon military operations, these men asserted, was false.
We know from the diaries and accounts of the Mormons themselves that the above testimonies are false. As for Smith carrying arms, he had been doing so since 1834 according to Wilford Woodruff, who stated that when he “first met him and his brother Hyrum they were coming in from target shooting with pistols, which they held in their hands. Bro. Joseph remarked that he was intending to go up to Missouri, and thought he would have to do some shooting, and wanted first to see if he could hit anything.”
Albert Rockwood wrote this journal entry on October 28, 1838:
Now Father, come to Zion and fight for the religion of Jesus[.] many a hoary head is engaged here, the Prophet goes out to battle as in days of old. he has the sword that Nephi took from Laban. is not this marvellous? well when you come to Zion you will see <& learn> many marvellous things, which will strengthen your faith, and which is for the edification of all the saints. The Prophet has unsheathed his sword and in the name of Jesus declares that is shall not be sheathed again untill he can go unto any County or state in safety and in peace.
Although some Mormons began leaving the state soon after the surrender, most remained in Far West or on their Caldwell County farms, hoping they would not be expelled from the state. By late January, however, Mormon leaders realized that the Missouri legislature would not act on their behalf. In addition the longer they remained, the greater was the animosity of local citizens, who watched jealously for any indications that the Mormons might break their treaty agreement. Local officials showed little inclination to protect the Saints from mobs that continually harassed them. Many Mormons also came to believe that Joseph Smith and the other Mormon prisoners were being held simply to insure that the Mormons left that state: the prisoners’ release would not occur until the expulsion was completed. Eventually the Mormons decided they must leave Missouri.
On January 29, at a meeting held in Far West, the Mormons agreed to abide by a proposal made by Brigham Young:
On motion of President Brigham Young, it was resolved that we this day enter into a covenant to stand by and assist each other to the utmost of our abilities in removing from this state, and that we will never desert the poor who are worthy, till they shall be out of the reach of the exterminating order of General Clark, acting for and in the name of the state.
Lucy Smith wrote about events in Far West after the surrender and her account is fairly typical of what most of the Mormons went through:
As soon as william was able to stir about a little he besaught his father to leave the place and
move <move> to Illinois but Mr Smith would not consent to do this for he was in hopes that our sons would be liberated and peace be settled again William still expostulated with him but to no effect and he at last de-clared that he would not go away from Far West unless he was called upon to do so by revelation very well Father said William I can give you revelation then and he rehearsed the vision which he had related to me—Mr Smith made answer to this that the family migh might get ready to start and then if we were obliged to go there would be nothing to hinder us—
Our buisness had been trading in corn and wheat as well as keeping a public house and when the state Mob came in we had some corn and wheat on hands but no or very little flour or meal and we sent a young man that lived with us to Mill with some 14 bags of Grain to be ground but he was obliged to leave in consequence of the <mob> who so near at hand that miller deemed it unsafe for him to allow the brethren to remain about his mill least they Militia should burn his premises—We were therefore obliged to blair our corn in a samp mortar to make bread of and it was all the bread stuff we had for a length of time—but there were many who subsisted some time on parched corn for they were all driven in from the country and there was more than an acre of land in front of our house that was covered with beds laying in the open sun where men women and children were compelled to sleep in all weather for these were the last who had got into the city and all the houses were so full that there was no room for them. It was enough to make the heart ache to
hear <see> children in the open sun and wind sick with colds and very hungry crying round their mothers for food and their parents destitute of the means of making them comfortable while their houses which lay a short distance from the city were pillaged of every thing eatable their fields thrown open for the horses belonging to mob to lay waste and destroy and their fat cattle shot down and turning to carrion before their eyes while a strong guard which was set over us for the purpose prevented us from making use of a particle of the stock that was killed on every side of us. There relate samuels The brethren had been warn Many
It may be said that this evil certainly might have been provided against if Joseph Smith had the spirit of prophecy to this I reply that he did all in his power to get the brethren to move into the city before they heard of the mob but they did not hearken to council and let this be an everlasting warning to the saints not to reject the councill of the authorities of the church because they do not understand the reason of its being given
you —if the brethren at at Hauns Mill had observed to do what they were advised repeatedly to do their lives would no doubt have been preserved for they would have been at Far West with the rest of the brethren William I shall not attempt here to give a detail of facts which h are already published my Mind is loath to dwell upon these days of sorrow and more than is necessary my readers will will find a relation of these many things in the various publications which were writen during that years and the year following the sa that will satisfactory to them an things which I did not see but and therfore shall not attempt to write—
When William began to be able to walk he went to the stable to see after his horse and not finding him he enquired of one of the mob officers where his horse was. And the officers replied that he had sent
him with a dispatch to another part of the county and the messenger had taken him William told him that the horse must be returned for he would not have him used in any such way in a little while the despatch came up and William took the horse by the bridle and ordered the rider to dismount and the officer also ca seconding the order it was obeyed and the <was> horse led to the stable In as the saints were now moving from
Soon after this the brethren were compelled to on lay down their arms and sign away their property it was done immediately in front of our house and could hear <Cap> Wilson Gen. Clarks speech <and> when he distinctly in which he declared that my sonsshould must die that “there<ir> die was cast their doom was fixed their fate was sealed and &” and also that “if he could invoke the spirit of the unknown God to rest upon us he would advise us to scatter abroad &c”
And I thought of
the words of Paul to the Athenians of the scripture which saith Ye “know not God I speak this to your shame” for Gen. Clark did not know that he could not measure arms with the Almighty or he would not have told so positively what was to befall my imprisoned children Soon after Hyrum left home his youngest son was born this was his second wife’s first child her confinement was considered rather premature being probably brought on by her extreme anxiety about her husband whom she never saw but once afterwards before she left the state in which he was held a prisoner she suffered in her sickness beyond description but in her afflictions her sister stood by her and devoted her whole time to Nursing and comforting her as they were equally alone as respected their husbands for one was imprisoned and the other flying for his life Mor However she gained sufficient strength to accompany Emma to the prison once before they left the state
After this william repaired with his family to Quincy and from thence to Plymouth where he settled himself and sent the team back after us.
Mr Smith sent William <to Joseph and got a revelation>  made his arrangements as soon as possible to remove his family to Illinois and in a short time had them comfortably situated in the town of Plymouth and sent back his team for his fathers family
but we loaded the waggon with our goods but just before we were ready to start he word came that Sydney rigdons family were ready to start and they must have the waggon thus we were compeled to remain a season longer untill William sent again the waggon was again loaded and again unloaded for another messenger came saying that Emma my sons wife was ready and she must have the waggon however we after a long time succeeded in getting one waggon in which to convey beds and clothing for My own family and 2 of our sons in law and their families and this was our dependance for a place to ride and to convey all our baggage. Don Carlos my youngest son was in company with us he rode with his wife and children in a one horse buggy and the greatest part of their baggage was in our waggon.
In consequence of our crowded situation we left a large stock of provision and most of our furniture losin boxes and barrels in the house—but that was not the worst for our horses were what is termed wind broken and every hill which we came to we were obliged to get out and walk which was bothe tiresome to the patience and the body.
The first day we arrived at
the house one Mr. a place called Tinney’s Grove where we lodged in an old log house and spent a rather uncomfortable manner the day after I travelled on foot half the day and at night came to the house of one Mr. Thomas who was then a member of the Church My husband was very much out of health as he had not yet recovered from the shock occasioned by the cature of Hyrum and Joseph and he sufferred much with a sever cough—
the 3thrd day in the afternoon
we so it commenced raining when night arrived we stopped at a house and asked permission to stay over night the man of the house showed us a miserable out door house which filthy enough to sicken the stomach even to look at it and told us if we would clean this place out and haul our own wood we might lodge there as to wood that was so far off that at the late hour in which we arrived there it was not possible to get any but we cleaned out the place so that as to be able to lay our beds down and <here we> spent the night without fire the next morning we demanded our kind the land lord charged us 75 cents for the use of this shed
and we went on in the pouring rain we asked for shelter at many places but were refused admitance & untill near night we travelled through the rain and mud without finding any one who was willing to take us in at last we came to another place very much like the one where we spent the night before here we staid all night without fire.
The day after which was the 5 from the time we started we got to Palmira
here we stopped just before we came to this place Don carlos called to us and said Father this exposure is too bad and I will not bear it any longer and the first place I come to that looks comfortable I shall drive up to the house and stop go in and do you follow me we soon came to a handsome, neat looking farm <house> which was surrounded with every appearance of comfort. The house stood a short distance from the road but there was a large gate which opened into the field in front of it. Don Carlos opened the gate and drove into the field and then after he had assisted us through he left us and started to see the landlord who met him before he came to the house—Land-lord said D.C. I do not know but I am trespassing but I have with me an aged father who is sick besides My Mother and a number of <women with> small children we have now travelled 2 days and a half in this rain and we shall die if we are compelled to go much farther and <but> if you will allow us to stay with you over night we will pay you any price for our accommodations.
Why what do you mean sir said the gentleman do you not consider us human beings
or that do you think that we would turn Any thing that was flesh and blood away from our doors in such a time as this where is your parents drive your waggons to the door and help your wife children out I will attend to the others—he then assisted Mr Smith and myself out into the room where his lady was sitting but as she was not well and he was affraid the dampness of this room might cause her to take cold he ordered a black servant to make her a fire in another room he the took helped each one of the family into the house and hung their cloaks and shawls and as he hung them up to dry he said he never in his life saw a family in so uncomfortable from the effects of rainy weather.
At this house we had every thing that could conduce to our comfort as this gentleman Whose name was Esqr. Man did all that he could do to assist us he brought us milk for our children hauled us water to wash with furnished good beds to sleep in &c. &c. in short he left nothing undone and in the evening he remarked that he had been sent by the people
to the as a representative from the county the year before and at the house of representatives he met one Mr Carroll who was sent there from the county where the Mormons resided and said Squire Man if I ever felt like fight any man it was him for he never raised his hand nor his voice in behalf of that abused people once while the house was in session and my blood boiled to hear b how they were treated but I never was a member of the house before and had not sufficient confidence to take a stand in their behalf upon the floor or I would have done it if and had been a man of a little more experience
After spending the night here with this good man we set out again the next morning although it still rained for we were obliged to travel in order to avoid being detained by high water we went on through mud and rain untill we arrived within 6 miles of the Mississipi river here the ground
beca was low and swampy so much so that a person on foot would sink in above their ancles at every step here also the weather grew colder and it commenced snowing and hailing but notwithstanding all this we were compelled to go on foot as the horses were not able to draw us als we were were crossing this place Lucy lost her shoes several times and her father had to thrust his cane into the mud to ascertain where they were because they were so completely covered with mud and water
when we came to the river we could not cross nor yet find a place of shelter for there were many saints there waiting to go over into quincy
we the snow had now fallen to the depth of 6 inch<es> and was still falling but we were very tired and we we made up our beds on the snow and went to rest with what comfort we might under such circumstances the next morning we were covered with snow as we lay in our beds but b we rose and after considerable pains succeeded in folding up our frozen bedding we tried to light a fire but finding it impossible we resigned ourselves to our situation and waited patiently for some oppertunity to offer itself for crossing the river
soon after samuel came over from Quincy and finding us he with seymore Brunsons assistance obtained permission of the ferryman to have us cross that day and about sunset we a landed in Quincy where samuel had hired a house into which we moved
although it was already occupied by <and when we got into it we our household consisted of> five other families name namely Mr Smith and myself with our daughter and henry and Hyran Holt [Hoit?] also the family of Samuel Smith Jenkins Saulsbury Mr. McLery and brother Graves— 
In 1844 during the succession crisis engendered by the murder of Joseph Smith, Jedediah M. Grant wrote what he deemed a Collection of Facts Relative to the Course Taken by Elder Sidney Rigdon. Under the heading “Sidney Rigdon in Missouri”, Grant published a portion of Rigdon’s July 4, 1838, “Salt Sermon” (quoted above). Grant then wrote,
The foregoing extract from his oration, as anticipated by the judicious, was the main auxiliary that fanned into a flame the burning wrath of the mobocratic portion of the Missourians. They now had an excuse, their former threats were renewed, and soon executed, we were then, as we are now, (by many,) all made accountable for the acts of one man; death and carnage, marched through the land, in their most terrific forms. The following from the 1st Volume of the Times and Seasons, by Miss E. R. Snow, will give the reader some idea of the heart rending scene.
“Here, in a land that Freemen call their home,
Far from the influence of Papal Rome;
Yes, in a mild and tolerating age
The Saints have fallen beneath the barb’rous rage
Of men inspired by the misguiding hate,
Which ignorance and prejudice create.
Ill fated men, who minds would hardly grace
The most ferocious of the brutal race.
Men, without hearts, else would their bosoms bleed
At the commission of so foul a deed
As that when they at Shoal Creek, in Caldwell,
Upon an unresisting people fell,
Whose only crime was daring to profess
The eternal principles of righteousness!
‘T was not enough for that unfeeling crew
To murder men—they shot them through and through,
Frantic with rage, they poured their molten lead
Profusely on the dying and the dead
For mercy’s claim, which Heaven delights to hear,
Fell disregarded, on relentless ears.
Long o’er the scene of that unhappy eve
Will the lone widow and the orphan grieve.
Their savage foes with greedy avarice fir’d,
Plundered their murder’d victims and retir’d,
And at the shadowy close of parting day
In slaughter’d heaps husbands and fathers lay,
There lay the dead and there the dying ones,
The air reverberating with their groans;
Night’s sable sadness mingled with the sound,
Spread a terrific hideousness around.
Ye wives and mothers think of woman then,
Left in a group of dead and dying men,
Her hopes were blasted, all her prospects riv’n
Save one, she trusted in the God of Heaven;
Long for the dead her widow’d heart will crave
A last kind office, yes—a decent grave.
Description fails—Tho’ language is too mean
To paint the horrors of that dreadful scene.
All things are present to His searching eye
Whose ears are open to the raven’s cry.”
Men and children were murdered and robbed, women were insulted and wounded, the dead left without a decent burial, houses were burned, and property confiscated, and many noble men torn from their almost distracted wives and children, and locked in a gloomy prison for months, to satisfy the insatiate, wrath of man. After the whole society had suffered innumerable hardships, and bathed the earth with their tears and blood, they were, by the edit of a second Nero, banished en masse from the State in the drear months of winter, which caused the frosty grave to be opened, to receive fathers, brothers, mothers, sisters, and the helpless infant, overcome by cold, hunger, and fatigue.
The Mormon War was very real as were the crimes committed against the Mormons and the Missourians. The atrocities committed by the Missourians against Mormon men and women were violent and heartbreaking. But Missourians also lost lives and property by acts of violence committed by the Mormons. And those Mormons who were classed as “dissenters”, were forced out of their homes and threatened by Joseph Smith, Sidney Rigdon and their Danite Companies.
Eliza Snow wrote at least three autobiographical sketches: one appeared in the Juvenile Instructor in 1866, another in the autobiography she wrote for her brother Lorenzo in 1884, and a third which was written to Hubert Howe Bancroft in 1885 and was published in the Relief Society Magazine in 1944, three years before Alice Horne died. Unfortunately, they edited out the material that refers to her marriage to Joseph Smith, but this material was published by Spencer J. Palmer in 1971. Eliza also included some biographical material in The Women of Mormondom, which she co-authored with Edward W. Tullidge in 1877. Eliza wrote in The Women of Mormondom:
In Kirtland the persecution increased until many had to flee for their lives, and in the spring of 1838, in company with my father, mother, three brothers, one sister and her two daughters, I left Kirtland, and arrived in Far West, Caldwell county, Mo., on the 16th of July, where I stopped at the house of Sidney Rigdon, with my brother Lorenzo, who was very sick, while the rest of the family went farther, and settled in Adam-Ondi-Ahman, in Daviess county. In two weeks, my brother being sufficiently recovered, my father sent for us and we joined the family group.
Adam-ondi-Ahman is about 30 miles from Shoal Creek where the Hawn’s Mill settlement was located. In the book that she authored in 1884 titled, “Biography and Family Record of Lorenzo Snow: One of the Twelve Apostles of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints”, Snow gave a much longer and much more detailed account of what happened to her and her family during the period before and after the Shoal Creek massacre. She writes in that account:
Before Lorenzo started on his southern mission, as reported in his journal, a spirit of mobocracy was boldly manifested by leading citizens in the county opposing the Latter-day Saints, and at the August election preventing their vote — also putting them to great inconvenience by laying an embargo on all of the flouring mills in that section, and preventing our people from obtaining breadstuff. Our father had abundance of wheat, but could get no grinding. In this dilemma we had to resort to graters, made by perforating tin pails and stovepipes, on which we grated corn for bread material. We tried boiled wheat, but found that it did not retain much nourishment; and our grated corn meal, when cooked by the usual process of bread making, was not quite so solid as lead, but bore a more than satisfactory resemblance to it. “Necessity, the mother of invention,” prompted experimenting, and we set our wits to work to make our meal not only eatable, but palatable.
We had a fine crop of “Missouri pumpkins” (which, being interpreted, means the choicest kind), produced from the soil our father bought; these we stewed with a good supply of moisture, and when boiling hot, stirred it into our grated meal, which, when seasoned with salt and nicely baked — well buttered or in milk, was really very delicious; the main thing was to get enough, especially after the mob had driven in the scattered settlers, by which the number of our family was increased to twenty-five.
Actually, the “scattered settlers” in Daviess County were not “driven” into Diahman by any mob, they were ordered to gather there (and to Far West) by Joseph Smith for safety, as were other Mormons who were expelled from Carroll County and those in other outlying settlements in other counties. Eliza does write about one incident of prolonged gunfire in the 1884 autobiography:
A spirit of mobocracy, which had previously manifested itself, was continually on the increase all around us, and very naturally suggested to our minds the thought of preparation for defense. The house we lived in, with the plantation on which it stood, father purchased on his arrival, and paid for in full. It was a “double log house,” with
an alley about three feet wide between the two. In this alley our faithful watchdog was stationed, and we knew that no intruder could possibly reach either door before the dog would give an alarm, which, so far, was very satisfactory. But, to our deep regret, the mobocrats, finding the dog out of sight of the house, shot him down. … Amid the threatenings of mobocrats to either drive or destroy us, a circumstance occurred, which though seriously exciting at the time, afterwards offered us much amusement. One night at about 11 o’clock, we all were suddenly aroused from sleep by the discharge of fire arms, accompanied with loud shouts, apparently about a mile distant. We supposed that our enemies had commenced their depredations by putting their threats into execution and were making an attack on our people, and the probability was that they would visit us in turn. We immediately began to prepare for defense by barricading the doors and windows, and distributing all the members of the family such weapons for protection as were available, viz: one sword, two or three guns, pitchforks, axes, shovels and tongs, etc. We proposed that mother take her choice, and she thought that she could do the best execution with the shovel. With no small degree of anxiety, not only for ourselves, but also in behalf of our friends situated at the point from which the exciting sounds proceeded, we kept up a sleepless watch until morning, when intelligence was brought, explaining the cause of the night alarm, as follows: A company of our brethren had been to a distant settlement [Dewitt] to accomplish some business requisite in consequence of threatened mob violence, and on their return, having peacefully and successfully accomplished their object, discharged their fire arms, accompanied with a shout expressive of their happy success–resulting in our false alarm and subsequent amusement. 
More than likely, the incident above took place on the night of October 21st, after the events that took place in DeWitt. A company of 100 Danites headed by David Patton had ridden to Livingston County to retrieve a cannon that was being transported to Daviess County from DeWitt to be used against the Mormons. When the Mormons charged the Missourians they fled, but they had anticipated the attack and had buried the cannon. They also let loose some hogs to try and cover up where they had buried it, but this backfired as the hogs wound up exposing the cannon as they rooted in the ground, much to the Mormons delight. The cannon was brought back to Diahman where there was a great celebration. This was probably what the Snow’s heard. The following day, the celebration continued and the cannon was taken to the top of Tower Hill and fired three times.
In Eliza’s earlier account of her Missouri experiences, which was published for the Juvenile Instructor in 1866, she wrote:
“My father and family arrived in Adam-ondi-Ahman, (the name of our city location) in Daviess county, in the latter part of July, but myself with my brother Lorenzo, who was very sick at the time that we arrived at Far West, stopped at the house of Sidney RIgdon, until my brother had so far recovered as to be able to journey, when my father came for us.
We had a very large watch-dog, which my father took with him from Ohio, on purpose to guard the wagons while we were traveling. As soon as my brother Lorenzo [who had been very ill] was strong enough to walk out, and carry a rifle, he amused himself by hunting turkeys, which were very abundant in that part of Missouri. Whenever he went on those little hunting excursions, the watch-dog, Jack, was sure to accompany him. Some dogs seem quite sensible, as my young readers will understand, and Jack was uncommonly smart, and seemed to realize that his master had but little strength—he would walk as stilly as possible, at my brother’s heels, until they came in sight of game, when he would place himself directly in front, and raise his head sufficiently, then hold his head perfectly still for his master to rest the rifle on his head, to shoot. As soon as the rifle was discharged, he would dart off in an instant, and return with the game.
Jack was highly prized by all the family, and although a dog, he was worthy of respect, because he was a true friend: every body and every thing that has integrity, is very valuable. Integrity is better than gold and silver. We had learned that Jack could be trusted, and when we knew that we were surrounded by mobocrats, we could lie down at night, feeling pretty safe, knowing that no one could approach the house, until the faithful dog had given the alarm.
I think by this time, my little friends are feeling enough interest for the dog Jack, to wish to know what became of him. I will tell you. Our Missouri neighbors (if I may call those neighbors who were plotting our destruction) saw that Jack was true to us, and they were afraid of him, and tried to entice him away, but when they found it impossible to coax him to leave us, they shot him. We all felt very sorry to lose poor Jack, and two of my younger brothers dug a grave and buried him with all the formalities that the occasion called for, and, with great childish lamentations, pronounced him a martyr.
The Missourians who lived near us, appeared very kind and friendly to our faces, but we had been there but a short time, when to our great surprise, they were all at once missing. The discovery that they had disappeared, was made in the morning–they left coffee pots standing on the coals–tea kettles steaming–clocks ticking and every thing else indicated a hasty flight. We soon learned that they had scattered out into the country, and had reported that the “Mormons” drove them from their houses; and we learned too, that the very men that my father purchased his land off, joined the mob to assist in driving us away; so that they could come back and take possession of what they had sold. And after the Governor had issued orders for preparations for our departure, they had the impudence to come into the house to enquire how long it would be before we should get away.
Eliza writes in her 1884 account:
Elder Abel Butterfield, Lorenzo’s traveling companion, was stopping with us, while waiting for my brother to regain his strength sufficient for travel, and as he required clothing made, previous to departure, my sister proposed to join me in doing his needle work, tailoring, etc., if, he would give his time in grating meal for the family, which he gladly accepted. It was hard work, and after he left, we took it by turns, soak- ing the corn when it became so dry as to shell from the cob.
Not long after our young missionaries left us, very early one morning, we were utterly astonished with the announcement that all of our neighbors, the “old settlers,” including those of whom our father had purchased, had fled the country. On entering some of the vacated houses, clocks were seen ticking the time, coffee-pots boiling the coffee, and everything indicating a precipitate and compulsory flight. What could be the cause, and what the meaning of this unprecedented and really ominous movement was veiled in the deepest mystery, until the reaction solved it by bringing to light the most cruel perfidy. We soon learned that those unscrupulous hypocrites had scattered abroad through- the settlements, arousing a mob feeling against the Latter-day Saints, by reporting that the “Mormons” had driven them from their homes, they having barely escaped with their lives at the expense of all they possessed. 
The cause for the fleeing settlers was Joseph Smith and the Mormons attacking Gallatin, Millport and Grindstone Fork, and threatening all of the settlers to leave the county. Eliza continues her narrative:
This unprecedented move was sufficient pretext for an onslaught, and a general uprising of the people threatened an immediate extermination of the Latter-day Saints, which was prevented by an appeal to, and the intervention of, the military authority of the State. A posse was sent, which quelled the mob, and for a few days we had peace. The Saints took advantage of the quietus, purchased a horse-mill and soon had it in operation, and released the family graters.
But the peaceful interim was of short duration. It seemed that the turbulent spirit had gained strength by the recess, and broke out with redoubled fury. No Latter-day Saint was safe, and although our trust was in God, and we felt assured of His protection, it was wise for us to keep up a show of defence, as it had a tendency to awe our enemies.
Eliza is speaking of events which took place before October 1. General Parks had arrived in Diahman mid September and reported that the Mormons were well armed and that he did not need more than his 100 men to protect them and keep the peace. But prior to this, Diahman was well protected by Lyman Wight and his Danites, as it was afterwards until the arrival of General Wilson after the battle at Crooked River and the massacre at Shoal Creek when he disarmed the Mormons.
Eliza continues her 1884 account:
To us it was a novel sight, and would have been ludicrous (were it not painfully symptomatical of the situation) to see our venerable father walking to meeting on the Sabbath, with a Bible in one hand and a rifle in the other. At length an order was issued by the Governor of the State, for all of the Saints to leave Daviess County within ten days from date, the sixth of December, and a company o^ militia was stationed in Di-Ahman, for that length of time, ostensibly to protect us from the mob, but it was difficult to tell whether the mob or the militia was most dangerous.
From her 1866 account:
There were about two hundred families in Adam-ondi-Ahman, (the name of our new city in Daviess county,) and we had only ten days given us, in which to remove to Caldwell; during this ten days, a militia guard was appointed to protect us, but if we did not get out of the county in that time, we were to be left to the mercy of a reckless mob, that had sworn to destroy us.
This was after the Battle of Crooked River and the Shoal Creek Massacre. General R. Wilson wrote to General Clark on November 12, from Diahman:
In pursuance of your order, dated at Far West In pursuance of your order of the 7th, at Far West, I took up the line of march with my command, and arrived here [Adam-ondi-Ahman] on the * 8th. We suffered much from the inclemency of the weather, which still continues. On my arrival here I found the troops [General Parks] had left. I met Col. Burges some two miles from this place. He being the last, I immediately placed a guard around the town, and ordered the Mormons to parade, which order was promptly obeyed, and about two hundred men entered their names. I then proceeded to the investigation, as you required by your order. Justice Black and other citizens being present, I caused such of the Mormons as were supposed to be guilty of crimes, arrested, and handed them over to the civil authorities for trial. It however appears that the most guilty had escaped, they having ample opportunity, as I am informed. The town had not been under guard up to the time of our arrival. The investigation is still progressing, but with but little hope of effecting much, as the citizen seem to be unable to indentify but a few.
It is perfectly impossible for me to convey to you any thing like the awful state of things which exist here—language is inadequate to the task. The citizens of a whole country, first plundered, and then their houses and other buildings burnt to ashes, without houses, beds, furniture or even clothing in many instances, to meet the inclemency of the weather. I confess that my feelings have been shocked with the gross brutality of these Mormons, who have acted more like demons from the infernal regions than human beings. Under these circumstances you will readily perceive that it would be perfectly impossible for me to protect the Mormons against the just indignation of the citizens. I therefore promptly informed the Mormons, in a short address, of all the facts that had then come to my knowledge—told them I should remain in Daviess county ten days, and would endeaver to protect them during that time—at the end of ten days I would leave and was not authorized to promise the further protection in Daviess county—that you had promised protection in Caldwell county—that such of them as wished to remove to Caldwell, or out of the State, I would give a permit to that purpose, and would guaranty their safety on the route. The Mormons themselves appeared pleased with the idea of getting away from their eneimes and a justly insulted people, and I believe all have applied and received permits to leave the county, and I suppose about fifty families have left, and others are hourly leaving, and at the end of ten days, Mormonism will not be known in Daviess county. The appeared to me to be the only course left to prevent a general massacre, and I hope my course in this matter may meet your approbation as it has been your pleasure to commit to my charge a most important command, without special instructions. I feel the more bound, not only to return you my sincere thanks for the honor thus done, but to give you a full account of all my acts. Nothing has been left undone on my part to justify that confidence. The citizens of Daviess have co-operated heartily with me, and to their praise be it said, have shown a degree of compassion and charity unparalleled, under the circumstances, to their enemies, and have cheerfully obeyed every order I have found it proper to give in this matter, and I now confidently believe I shall be able to close this most shocking insurrection without further bloodshed.
I had previously to receiving your orders discharged all the troops under my command, except one company under Capt. Newbold. This company will be retained until I close by business here. I expect, without otherwise ordered, to remain here until tomorrow week, and then set out for home. If, therefore, it is your pleasure to give me further orders before leaving, I would suggest that they be forwarded in time to reach here before that time.
It would astonish you to see the immense plies of stolen property, which has been brought in, and deposited by the Mormons, consisting of almost every thing to be found at a farm house, and much remaining yet concealed. Large quantities have been found buried in and near town. I have been making all possible exertions to collect and preserve this property for the owners, but I find it hard to do, as these dirty thieves are more skilful in the pilfering line, than any I have yet seen. The citizens inform me that much of their property has been taken to Far West. I suggest that you order them to return it here at their own expense.
I write in a miserable shanty, called “The Lord’s Storehouse,” late at night, after having been well soaked in the rain during the day, and much fatigued. I may have omitted things, but when I am more comfortable, I will write you more fully.
I have the honor to be, With unfeigned good will, Your obedient Servant, R. Wilson, Brig. Gen. Commanding 2nd Brig. Mo. Mi.
Diahman had been protected by the Danites until the arrival of Gen. Wilson, at which time he ordered the Mormons to leave within ten days, (at which time he was leaving) and that he would protect them on their journey to Caldwell County. Eliza has the month wrong in her accounts, Wilson arrived in Diahman on November 8th and left on the 18th. Eliza continues:
Before we left, the former owner of the place where we lived, came in, and looking around very impudently, inquired how soon we would be out of the house. It required an effort, but we suppressed our feelings of indignation.
The weather was extremely cold, and the morning we bid adieu to our honorably and honestly acquired transitory home, and much property which we were obliged to leave, after assisting what I could, I started before the teams, to warm my feet by walking. While musing on the changing and wonderful vicissitudes of mortal life as I walked quietly and alone, I was interrupted in my meditations by the approach of one of the militia. After the usual salutations of “Good morning,” he said: ”I think this will cure you of your faith.” I looked him in the eye, and, with emphasis, replied, “No, sir, it will take more than this to cure me of my faith.” His countenance dropped, and he said, ” Well, I must confess you are a better soldier than I am.” And we parted. 
In her 1866 account Eliza gives a little more detail:
My father had more means than many others, and kindly offered to assist several families that were destitute; saying that if there should be difficulty, he would meet it himself, rather than leave helpless ones to encounter it, and the time was spent in moving them, so that we did not start till the morning of the tenth day. My father had purchased hundreds of bushels of grain which he had to leave, as well as houses, lands and other property.
It was a very cold day in the month of December [November] when we left our home, in accordance with the order of the Governor, to go to Caldwell county and stop till spring, and leave the State. The Grand river, which we crossed soon after leaving Adam-on-di-Ahman, was frozen hard enough to bear heavily loaded wagons.
After assisting to put the beds and cooking utensils into the wagon, I started on foot, ahead of the teams, for I was too cold to ride, and wished to warm myself by the exercise of walking. Just after I crossed the river, I met one of the militia, who, addressing me in a sarcastic manner, said, “I think this will cure you of your faith.” I felt a little indignant, for I thought it was quite enough, in a land where religious liberty was the people’s boast, to be deprived of my home, and be obliged to seek one in the midst of winter, without being tantalized for it, by the very men whose business should have been to protect us in our lawful rights; and, feeling the blood of an American citizen stirring in my veins, I looked the man in the eye, and replied, “No, sir, it will take more than this to destroy my faith.” His countenance fell, and he looked like a culprit, as he said, “Well, I must confess, you are a better soldier than I am”–and hurried on. 
Eliza claims that she exchanged with the Militia soldier the usual greeting of “Good Morning”, and then answered his question. In the Sketch she wrote for Bancroft in 1885, Eliza remembered the incident a bit differently:
It was December [November] and very cold when we left our home, and, after assisting in the morning arrangements for the journey, in order to warm my aching feet, I started on foot and walked until the teams came up. When about two miles out, I met one of the so-called Militia who accosted me with, “Well, I think this will cure you of your faith,” Looking him squarely in the eye, I replied, “No Sir, it will take more than this to cure me of my faith.” His countenance dropped, and he responded, “I must confess you are a better soldier than I am.” I passed on, thinking that, unless he was above the average of his fellows in that section, I was not complimented by his confession.
It took two days to go by team to Far West, and seventy-five persons, pilgrims like ourselves, put up at our stopping place for the night. It was a small vacated log house of one room only, which was the general nightly resort of people traveling from Di-Ahman to Far West, As we found it, the chinkings between the logs had been torn out, leaving open spaces through which gusts of wind had free play.
When we arrived, the provisions we brought were solidly frozen, and the crowd of people was so dense, we could not avail ourselves of the fire. But we must have supper, and we could not eat hard frozen bread, and we adopted the following: The boys milked our cows, and before the milk was strained, one of us held the dish while another sliced the bread, and the third strained the warm milk into it, which thawed the bread; thus one after another, until all were plentifully served.
Bed time came, but there was no room for beds, except for the sick, and, indeed, there was very little sitting room. Our mother was quite feeble through fatigue and exposure, and we managed to fix a place for her to lie down, while our sister and myself sat on the floor, one on each side, to ward off the crowd. I can well remember that ever memorable night — how I dare not move lest I should disturb those around me, so closely were we packed. And withal, it was a jolly time, although with the majority, a sleepless night.
Some ten or fifteen feet from the house was a small horse shed, in the centre of which the brethren built a roaring fire, and around it they stood, sometimes dancing to keep warm, some roasting potatoes, while others parched corn, and all joining in singing hymns and songs, merrily passing off the hours till the morning dawn. Many started very early, which gave us access to the fire for our morning meal.
Little would strangers, could they have witnessed those seventy-five Saints, without knowing our circumstances; I say, little would they have thought that we were exiles from our homes, going to seek among strangers, abiding places for the winter, in an adjoining county, and by order of the governor, leave the State and go we knew not where, in the Spring. They would naturally have thought us a pleasure party.
On the fifth of March, 1839, after wintering seven miles from Far West, in Caldwell County, we started en route for Illinois, landing in Quincy; we stopped there a short time, and from there our father moved to Warren County, in the same State; from there to LaHarpe, where Lorenzo found us, thence to Commerce, afterwards called Nauvoo. 
In studying Eliza’s accounts, it begs the question of just when during the above narrative, could Eliza have been gang-raped? When she had her encounter with a Militia man? Yet, in one account Eliza reveals that she was walking alongside of the teams when this occurred. These accounts do not seem to leave much room for a brutal gang rape to have taken place at Diahman, or during the journey to Far West when they were being protected by Wilson’s Militia.
Eliza claims that she was having a “jolly time” and that it was almost like a “pleasure party”, with dancing hymns, songs and “merrily passing off the hours” as they made the journey to Far West. Of course, it was a brutal time for all of them, they were cold, had little food and the shelter was bad. But that was the point that Eliza was making, that they made the best of their situation and that these trials could not shake their faith. There is no mention of any “mob” here, and her interactions with the Militia were cordial even though she did not trust them.
The Snow family with others arrived at Far West in mid-November, and they camped nearby for some months as they waited to leave the state. On February 22, Eliza wrote a long letter from Caldwell County and spoke about her stay there. She wrote:
The Gov. of Illinois says our people may come there they have been going all winter and move very fast. A man just arrived from Ill. who said he counted 220 wagons between this and the Mississippi it has been judg’d there were eight thousand of our people in this county but the season has been a stormless one–the most favorable for moving that we could wish and the word impossible has become obsolete with us therefore I think we shall get out in pretty prompt compliance with the orders of government.
…The Missourians had commenc’d mobbing in Daviess Co. previous to our arrival; but were very friendly at that time & were very anxious to sell to us: Our people purchas’d their farms–they remov’d their families away, and rais’d a mob–painted their faces like Indians, & came back to drive us from the lands, we had purchas’d of them, calculating to chase us away & repossess the country. This, we suppose; because when we did leave, by order of the Militia, we were hardly out of our houses before the former, owners occupied them. When the Militia came, the mob volunteered & join’d them. You will understand from this, the character of the Militia. I will transcribe a pass, which every man was requir’d to carry for his own protection, and that of his property. “I permit Oliver Snow & sons to remove from Daviess to Caldwell County, there to remain during the winter or to pass out of the State.” November 9th 1838 (Signed R. Wilson, Brig. Gen.)
It astonishes our enemies that our people suffer no more while passing thro’ these scenes of suffering. They say the Mormons have always rejoic’d in tribulation but they will do something now that they will not rejoice in. I fear them not but know not what new tortures they may invent they have not burnt any of us at the stake yet they have imprison’d, whip’d, ston’d, and shot some but death does not terrify us enough to suit them, for they say that the Mormons are so d–d sure of going to heaven, they had as lief die as not. The lord maketh the wrath of man to praise him. Let his name be magnified. 
There are no accounts or letters from the Snow family that claim any violence at all perpetuated specifically against their family. In her letter to Esquire Streator, Eliza writes about her brother, and copies a letter that he wrote to the family about his activities after he left Diahman to fulfill his mission in Kentucky. Lorenzo mentions nothing about his trip through Daviess County, but does say that when he left Far West (sometime in September) he and his companion “met a company of arm’d men who viewed us very narrowly as we pass’d, which caus’d us to suspect they were a Mob we manag’d to get by them unmolested.” He also claimed that he “held fifteen public meetings in the State of Missouri” but that “the Lord has brought me off uninjured–without the loss of an hair on my head.”
Eliza was with her father and the rest of her family during her whole stay in Missouri, and none of them left any accounts of ever having been the victims of any personal violence whatsoever though much was going on around them. Eliza claimed that her father walked around with his rifle at the ready, even carrying it to Church. If Eliza was gang-raped, when did this event occur? In her account to Esquire Streater, Eliza claims that they “imprison’d, whip’d, ston’d and shot some,” but never mentions any violence perpetuated against her own family, except for an account that she gave about the family dog being shot.
To give credence to the claim of a gang-rape, there must be a plausible timeline for when this might have happened. Eliza was well protected in Diahman, her family and others were guarded by Militia on their exit from there, and were not harassed or molested during their stay outside of Far West or on their journey to Illinois in the spring of 1839. More importantly, Eliza herself left multiple accounts of her movements during this time, and never mentions any violence towards her or her family. Go to the Top
Alice Merrill Horne was born in Fillmore, Millard County, Utah on January 2, 1868. She was the daughter of Clarence Merrill and Bathsheba Kate Smith. Alice’s mother was the daughter of George Albert Smith and Bathsheba Wilson Bigler.
I read Alice’s 1934 Autobiography and it was a delight to read. Her handwriting in this draft was a little sloppy, but easy to read. She was a gifted writer who knew how to put her observations into descriptive sentences that hold your attention while conveying the emotion and wonder she felt about the world around her. Her work is filled with amusing anecdotes, vivid pictures of her experiences and heartfelt feelings. Her kind nature towards her family and sense of humor shine through as in this example:
We girls did the sewing on the machine, while grandma cut out and laid hems. Then she would press and fold the articles with a dextrous touch. When grandma had sick headache and could not lift her head and suits were ordered we girls could any of us make and press and finish the suit.—This was not only a comfort to grandma but a means of income and support. … I made my own clothes and spent some time every night in thoroughly combing my black hair which hung to my knees and of which I took great care. We had a large looking glass which showed me all of myself except the very bottom of my skirt so when I had a gray linsey [linsey-woolsey] it made a princess effect it was very artistic I think even now but there was one mistake I made which could not well help. I made the skirt several inches shorter in front than at the back. Father went to Beaver and brought me a hat with one side turned up and faced with brilliant green. He also brought me a new pair of shoes but, shades of my ancestors, they had green leather stars set in on the ankles. While I have always had a passion for green, it was not then much liked nor very fashionable so that when I landed in Salt Lake with this outfit at Christmastime to go to school at the U of U for half a year, I was decidedly odd. The shoes were a marvel soft kid and daintily cut and my feet looked well in them but the green stars drove me crazy. Grandma had a long mirror which to my utter astonishment showed my dress too short in front. If I cut the skirt off at the back, I would show my shoe tops. So being 15 years old and as tall as I now am, I decided to leave it as I had made it and keep my back turned as much as possible to people. 
It is obvious from her autobiography that Alice had strong feelings for Eliza Snow. She wrote that at one Relief Society meeting,
I sat on a low chair grandma had upholstered for me from a block of wood with a back which had split off in the sawing. Eliza sat on the other side of the room. I stood up when there was a moment’s pause and asked her to bless me for I was ill, that if she would do it I knew I would recover my good health. Sister Snow stood up and reached her hand toward me and spoke to me in an unknown tongue but I knew she was blessing me. I felt myself kind? up and strength came into my limbs and I knew I was healed. Zina D. Young arose and said that she had received the interpretation of the tongue among other things she said I would be healed according to the desire and faith I had expressed and that I would live to do a work in this [written over/illegible] that no one else would be prepared to do. I forgot that I had been ill and grew strong and active.
Alice also wrote about her move to the Historian’s Office to keep her grandmother company:
“…being eight years of age, I was considered old enough to leave my mother and go back with my grandmother to be a companion in her lonely hours. The home at the Historians Office became at once a refuge and a living fountain of joy. Every day it was as if I had rubbed this ring and a Genii came to satisfy my wishes. There were three stories of beautiful rooms.
Concerning the women who would come to visit and Alice’s interaction with them, she wrote,
I would thrill all over when I put my little hand in that of Brigham Young and looked up into his kindly eyes and heard his kind words to my dear Grandmother. Sister Amelia was beautiful and gracious, so thoughtful of the president, and of us, as well. I hung on every word and treasured every word and incident and action on those occasions. We often visited Eliza R. Snow and every day would find her dropping in to see us; there came besides, Zina D. Young, Emmeline B. Wells, Margaret Young, M. I. Horne, Phebe Woodruff and Rachel Grant. I know now that these visits were because of my Grandmother’s great loneliness. I was her shadow and we were, indeed seldom apart.
There is no mention of a rape in this version of her autobiography. If this was written first, why not? And if it was written later, why did she not include it? So the question of when Alice wrote the document that Radke-Moss quotes from is very important. What I think, from the comment: “The account comes from a portion of the autobiography of Alice Merrill Horne written in her later years,” is that Alice revised this earlier draft. Why would she not just say it came from an autobiography Alice wrote in her later years? What is this “portion”? Was it a separate document? A revision of an earlier draft? What is interesting is that Horne died in 1948 and three years earlier Fawn Brodie’s No Man Knows My History came out with much fanfare and had the story involving Emma Smith and Eliza Snow and her subsequent miscarriage.
A year earlier (1944) Leroi Snow had published that he had found Eliza’s life sketch she wrote for Bancroft. When it was published in the Relief Society Magazine later that year, it did not include any information on Eliza’s marriage to Joseph Smith.
Perhaps the Horne recollection might have been written as an apologetic to these events, but until more information comes forth about the document that Radke-Moss quotes from, there is only speculation.
I found this collection of film clips on youtube that feature Alice Horne about the time she penned the autobiography I quoted from above that some may find interesting:
I have stated that the Apologetic Nature of the Horne Recollection about Eliza Snow’s gang-rape and marriage to Joseph Smith is obvious. Here is Horne:
“The prophet heard [about the rape] and had compassion. This Saint, whose lofty ideals, whose person had been crucified, was yet to become the corner of female work. To her, no child could be born and yet she would be a Mother in Israel. One to whom all eyes should turn, to whom all ears would listen to hear her sing (in tongues) the praises of Zion. She was promised honor above all women, save only Emma, but her marriage to the prophet would be only for heaven.”
Those who do not accept all or part of the story that Emma pushed Eliza down the stairs at the Mansion House should also view this account with the same skepticism. And where is Eliza Snow’s promise to be found that she would be honored above all women save Emma?
LeRoi C. Snow was Eliza’s nephew, and supposedly heard the stair story from Charles Rich. Horne supposedly heard others talk about the gang-rape story and also knew Eliza. For both accounts we can say, “but they knew Eliza and so probably spoke to her about it at a later time to verify it.” But this is simply speculation that cannot be verified until some contemporary account is found that would do so.
Why then, would this gang-rape story be so important to “pin” on Eliza Snow? Or for that matter, the stair story? Because if she never had children, that could be looked upon as a “curse”. Why would Joseph marry a barren woman, when the purpose of polygamy is to “raise up righteous seed”? Both stories could be looked at as an apologetic to that dilemma. Eliza is damaged by Emma, or Eliza is damaged by the Missourians and so she is not cursed, but a victim that God exalts through trial and tribulation who will then be rewarded in heaven with spirit children of Joseph Smith.
And then there are the actual accounts of the Missouri period. No credible reports of any gang-rapes. There is only one firsthand account which claims there was an attempt at sexual violence, that is all. Conversely, there are also accounts that the “mobbers” were kind to the Mormon women. After the initial attack (which was bloody butchery) the Militia loaded up and left Shoal Creek for a time. The Mormons were then apprehensive that they would return to murder the rest of them. John Corrill, who I think was a very fair historian and was intimate with all of the Missouri petitions claimed that there were no credible reports of rape. I will discuss this more below.
Eliza probably just could not have children, or chose not to. This could be problematic in Mormon theology. Here is W. W. Phelps writing to his wife Sally in 1835:
I have it in my heart to give you a little instruction, so that you may know your place, and stand in it, beloved, admired, and rewarded, in time and in eternity. But in order to do this, I must show the duty of man, in part. Man was created in the beginning to dress the earth to multiply his species; to honor God, and enjoy his presence forever. Hence it is the duty of man to labor for his living; to provide for his own household; to cultivate the land; to beautify it, to rear up habitations, and to have dominion over all animals which were made for his use and benefit. But it is not good that man should live alone, therefore it is pleasing to the Lord, that we should have an helpmeet, and multiply and replenish the earth, raising up seed, that the earth may be filled with its measure of man: Wherefore marvel not that a person without raising up seed to continue his or her name, and inheritance lacks a blessing: For the Psalmist says: “Lo children are the heritage of the Lord.” In the first chapter of Romans, beginning at the 26 verse, see what abominations women and men work by changing the order of heaven. Then one sees why the generations of men have been more or less cursed, with harlots, whoremonger, adulterers, maimed children, ungodly wretches, &C. God gives them up to their own vile affections. This you know is the fact with men and women in general among the gentiles. …God placed man upon earth to do his will and it is his will that the earth should be filled with its measure of man. Celibacy is not tolerated by the commandments neither is fornication nor is any device that hinders the increase of man: this you may learn by reading the 6th a 7th a 8th a 9th a and 10th verses of the 38 chapter of Genesis man was created upright but Satan has lead him to commit many abominations. 
With polygamy, the pressure to have children was multiplied tremendously. It was practiced specifically for the raising up of righteous seed. Eliza Snow, deemed the greatest woman of the last dispensation next to Emma… was barren? Oh no. There had to be a reason. When Emma turned against the Utah “Saints”, it was her fault that Eliza could not have children. When feelings began to turn back to Emma after polygamy was banned, it becomes the Missourians fault. Barren women were thought to be cursed according to Alice Horne’s grandfather, George Albert Smith:
Moses’ law provided for a plurality of wives, and the prophets observed that law, and Isaiah predicts its observance even down to the latter days. Isaiah, in his 4th chap. and 1st and 2nd verses, says, “Seven women shall take holdof one man, saying, we will eat our own bread and wear our own apparel, only let us be called by thy name to take away our reproach. In that day shall the branch of the Lord be beautiful and glorious and the fruit of the earth shall be excellent.”
A reference to the Scriptures shows that the reproach of women was to be barren, Gen. 30 chap. and 23 v.; Luke 1st chap. and 25 v. 
Polygamy was supposed to take away the reproach of women, so Eliza Snow just couldn’t be barren. It had to be someone else’s fault.
Another charge made against the Missourians was that Mormon women were ravished to death. Orson Pratt repeated what Brigham Young had written about women being raped to death in The Seer:
Question.–Second, In what manner have the United States treated the saints who have believed in this divine message?
Answer.–The people, not satisfied with having scorned, ridiculed, lied against, denounced, and rejected the message, have, likewise, poured out their abuse like a flood upon the heads of the innocent who received it. They have proceeded to the most savage and outrageous persecutions: have fallen like demons upon their defenceless [sic] prey; burned hundreds of their houses; destroyed their furniture, and their stacks of hay and grain; shot down their cattle and flocks for sport; dragged little children from their hiding places and placing the muzzles of their guns to their heads have blown out their brains, with the most horrid oaths and imprecations. They have taken the fair daughters of American citizens, bound them upon benches used for public worship, and there, in great numbers, ravished them until death came to their relief. They have thrust ministers of the gospel into loathsome dungeons, bound them in chains and hand-cuffs, and fed them on human flesh. At one time they drove twelve hundred men, women, and children from their own comfortable homes and firesides; seized upon their property and their lands, which by their hard earnings they had purchased from the General Government, and compelled the lawful owners to wander in the wilderness, and upon the bleak frosty prairies, without house, shelter, or home. At another time, after butchering scores of defenceless [sic] men, women, and children, fifteen thousand were driven from their own habitations and lands, and compelled to brave the storms of another dreary winter, while they wandered, faint and hungry, for several hundred miles through the inhospitable regions of Missouri, being scorned, hissed at, and spurned from their doors, and threatened with continual death.
But where did the term “ravished” originate? With W. W. Phelps who quoted the Apocrypha in 1833 after the Jackson County expulsion. In Feb. 1833 he published a piece called “The Last Days” and wrote:
For thou seest that our sanctuaries are laid waste, our alter broken down, our temple destroyed; our psaltry is laid on the ground, our song is put to silence, our rejoicing is at an end, the light of our candlestick is put out, the ark of our covenant is spoiled, our holy things are defiled, and the name that is called upon us, almost profaned: our children are put to shame, our priests are burnt, our Levites are gone into captivity, our virgins are defiled, and our wives ravished; our righteous men carried away, our little ones destroyed, our young men are brought in bondage, and our strong men are become weak; and, which is the greatest of all, the seal of Zion hath now lost her honor; for she is delivered into the hands of them that hate us.
One of the tenets of persecution in the “last days” were that women would be defiled and ravished. In the Times and Seasons Parley Pratt published this poem called “Pratt’s Defense” which includes the term “ravished”:
These soon were forthcoming, in dreadful array;
Some painted like Indians, all armed for the fray;
The Mormons soon yielded without the first fire,
And the mobbers accomplished their utmost desire.
I thought on the time when some five years ago,
Some females were ravished-and cattle and grain
Twelve hundred from Jackson, were driven by foes,
Became a free booty-and one pris’ner slain.
Some twenty or thirty were murderd outright,
And ten thousand others were BANISHED THE STATE
What is interesting is that Pratt only mentions what happened to women five years before. In his “History of the Late Persecution“ also published at the end of 1839 contains no account of any gang-rape, or women being ravished to death, only general statements of women being ravished. At the trial of Joseph Smith, Brigham Young testified:
At the time that the army came in sight of Far West, he observed their approach, and thought some of the militia of the State had come to the relief of the citizens; but to his great surprise, he found that they were come to strengthen the hands of the mobs that were around us, and which immediately joined the army. A part of these mobs were painted like Indians, and “Gillum,” their leader, was also painted in a similar manner, and styled himself “DELAWARE CHIEF,” and afterwards he, and the rest of the mob, claimed and obtained pay, as militia, from the State, for all the time they were engaged as mob,a s will be seen by reference to the acts of the Legislature. That there were Mormon citizens wounded and murdered by the army under the command of General Lucas, and he verily believes that several women were ravished to death by the soldiery of Lucas and Clark.
The best he can do is say he “believes that several women were ravished to death”. This was repeated again in 1844:
This banditti of marauders increased in numbers and violence, until by device and stratagem, duplicity and falsehood, they got the authorities of the state to interfere, and aid them in their diabolical purposes; and the then Governor of the state, Lilburn W. Boggs, actually sent a large military force into the county, with orders to exterminate us and confiscate our property; or such was the authority the commanders of the military array claimed, by virtue of the order received from the governor. — Suffice it to say, that our settlements were broken up, our towns plundered, our farms laid waste, our crops ruined, our flocks and herds either killed or driven away, our houses rifled, our goods, money, clothing, provisions, and all we had, carried away; men were shot down like wild beasts, or had their brains dashed out: women were insulted and ravished, until they died in the hands of their destroyers.
If there were legitimate rapes, why take it to this extreme? Yet John Corrill wrote:
The prisoners charged with treason and murder were confined in jail, in Liberty and Richmond, and the rest let to bail. During this campaign, many reports were circulated concerning the misconduct of the soldiers, but how far they were true I am not able to say, but I thought at the time, the officers tried to keep good order among the troops, and that whatever abuse was practiced on the Mormons ought to have been charged on the individuals that did it, and not upon the officers or community at large. It was said that women were insulted and even ravished, but I doubt the truth of the latter. Some were insulted; yet, as soon as the officers were informed, they set guards to prevent further insult. Two men that were taken prisoners were struck on the head, one was badly hurt and the other killed. The man who killed him accused him of having abused his family and burned his house; but on returning home he found his house had not been burned at all. Why he was not committed for trial, I never knew. Many others were taken prisoners, but generally were well treated and set free without injury.
This was a man, who even though he was treated horribly by Smith and others, and accused of being a traitor, gave all he could to the Mormons. He gave money to the Smith brothers to get out of Missouri. He went before the Missouri legislature to plead for the Mormons. Yet he was vilified. We see no credible reports of any women raped, just later exaggerations, and no contemporary accounts bear it out. Does this completely rule it out? Of course not. But let’s take a look at the evidence and what some of the historians who have extensively studied this period wrote about it. Go to the Top
On March 21, 2016, Professor Radke-Moss gave an interview to Chelsea Rutter which was published on BYU-I Scroll. Radke-Moss’ comments are interesting and revealing:
“Now, [because she published the gang-rape story of Eliza Snow] sexual violence in Missouri has to be part of our official narrative about Church history,” Radke-Moss said. “We tend to highlight male narrative about male imprisonment and male escapes and male war and male violence, and yet here you have women that are experiencing this violence in overt ways. That should help to create a larger empathy for not only what our ancestor females went through, but also for what could be around you. If you can humanize a victim of rape in the visage of Eliza R. Snow, then that allows you to see the women in your ward differently, it allows you to see teenage girls differently and how they’ve been victims of rape, it allows you to humanize and personalize that notion that this is a real crime.”
But is it true that “male escapes and male war and male violence” are the only things highlighted about the Mormon War?
Stephen LeSueur wrote in his excellent book:
The Missouri soldiers lived off the Mormons’ livestock and crops and used their house logs for fire, while the Mormons ate frozen potatoes and boiled corn. The soldiers reportedly shot hogs and cattle for sport, claiming the animals were “Mormons running away on all fours.” According to Mormon reports, the soldiers also raped several women. The accusations of rape, which were promptly denied by Missouri officials, are difficult to verify. Yet, there are at least two eyewitness accounts of attempted rapes, and the evidence indicates that the soldiers brazenly threatened the unprotected Mormon women. Mercy Thompson, whose husband fled the state the night before the surrender, said she lived in such constant terror that “at times I feared to lay my Babe down lest they should slay me and leave it to suffer worse than immediate Death.”
In his footnote, LeSueur writes,
Nearly all reports of rape are based on hearsay and rumors. In addition, the reports are generally vague and often exaggerated–Brigham Young, for example, said that several Mormon women were “ravished to death”. But it cannot be expected that the victims would readily reveal details of these incidents. Parley P. Pratt said one of the victims verified that she had been raped but “delicacy at present forbids my mentioning the names.” (HC 3:428, 434, affidavits of Parley P. Pratt and Brigham Young, 1 July 1843). Charles Morehead, the representative to the state legislature from Ray County, said during a debate that “he was in Far West when one of these reports [of rape] was started, and he assisted in attempting to ascertain the truth, and the Mormons themselves admitted it was false” (Missouri Republican, 24 December, 1838). For other denials, see [Reed Peck] Document, p. 92, Report of General Clark, 29 November 1838, and Corrill, A Brief History, p. 44. The two eyewitness reports come from the petitions of Ruth Naper (an intended victim) and Elijah Reed (affidavits, 3 and 8 January 1840. Petitions, U.S. Archives).
Here is a copy of page 363 from “A Call To Arms”, by Alexander Baugh:
Kinney discusses the claims of rape on page 176 of his book, and In Fire and Sword, Leland Gentry and Todd Compton also discuss them. They write:
Most controversial of all the charges leveled against the Missouri troops was that of sexually assaulting several Mormon women and girls. One unnamed person who was at Far West reported secondhand that some members of the army forced “fifteen or twenty Mormon girls to yield to their brutal passions.” Hyrum Smith and Parley P. Pratt claimed that one or two Mormon women were forcibly bound to a bench, after which several men “committed rape upon them.” These misdeeds were allegedly the work of General Lucas’s men. In writing to the governor from Far West, however, Clark explicitly denied that his troops were guilty of such brutality “at any time.” He wished it understood that none of his men “committed any violence, either upon the property or persons of the Mormons of either sex; any statement or insinuation to the contrary is false and a slander upon my command and our citizens.” Clark’s purpose in mentioning the subject, he said, was to refute the falsehoods which had appeared in “public Journals of the country.”
They also write:
On the question of the rape of Mormon women during the fall of Far West, Alex Baugh cites Mosiah Hancock, who was apparently an eyewitness. John Corrill, in contrast, does not seem to have a first-hand knowledge of such events. Stephen C. LeSueur finds these cases of rape “difficult to verify” because of conflicting evidence. Nevertheless, “there are at least two eyewitness accounts of attempted rapes.” On the other hand, “all reports of rape are based on hearsay and rumors. In addition, the reports are generally vague and often exaggerated.” Still, “it cannot be expected that the victims would readily reveal details of these incidents.” This is true especially during the Victorian era in which the Mormon War took place.
The History of the Church by B. H. Roberts also documents the rape of Mormon women:
Thus, Far West has been visited by six thousand men in one week, when the militia of the city (before any were taken prisoners) amounted only to about five hundred. After depriving these of their arms the mob continued to hunt the brethren like wild beasts, and shot several, ravished the women, and killed one near the city. No Saint was per-mitred to go in or out of the city; and meantime the Saints lived on parched corn.
That there were “Mormon” citizens wounded and murdered by the army under the command of General Lucas; and he verily believes that several women were ravished to death by the soldiery of Lucas and Clark.
That his whole people, comprising at least 15,000 people, were driven out like wild beasts, that hundreds were murdered by shooting, stabbing and beating, and having their brains beaten out with clubs. Great numbers were starved to death; many died from fatigue and hardship in the fields; women were ravished, children murdered, and every cruelty inflicted. This deponent with his comrades was imprisoned about six months and until nearly all his people were driven out of the state; that they were then, by order of the officers of the state, set at liberty and ordered to flee from the state. That, after they were released, they were pursued by armed men, who endeavored to shoot them; and they thus were pursued out of the state, and were in peril of their lives as long as they remained within its limits.
I bring this appeal before my native State, for the solemn reason that an injury has been done, and crimes have been committed, which a sovereign State, of the Federal compact, one of the great family of “E pluribus unum,” refuses to compensate, by consent of parties, rules of law, customs of nations, or in any other way. I bring it also because the National Government has fallen short of affording the necessary relief, as before stated, for want of power, leaving a large body of her own free citizens, whose wealth went freely into her treasury for lands, and whose gold and silver for taxes still fills the pockets of her dignitaries “in ermine and lace,” defrauded, robbed, plundered, ravished, driven, exiled, and banished from the “Independent Republic of Missouri!”
Whereas, the State of Missouri, with the Governor at the head, continues to make demands upon the executive of Illinois for the body of General Joseph Smith, as we verily believe, to keep up a system of persecution against the Church of Latter-day Saints, for the purpose of justifying the said State of Missouri in her diabolical, unheard of, cruel and unconstitutional warfare against said Church of Latter-day Saints, and which she has practiced during the last twelve years, whereby [p.102] many have been murdered, mobbed and ravished, and the whole community expelled from the State:
An aged hero and patriot of the Revolution, who served under General Washington, while in the act of pleading for quarter, was cruelly murdered and hewed in pieces with an old corn cutter; and in addition to all these savage acts of barbarity, they forcibly dragged virtuous and [p.128] inoffensive females from their dwellings, bound them upon benches used for public worship, where they in great numbers ravished them in the most brutal manner.
They also named one or two individual females of our society, whom they had forcibly bound, and twenty or thirty of them, one after another, committed rape upon them. One of these females was a daughter of a respectable family with whom I have been long acquainted, and with whom I have since conversed and learned that it was truly the case. Delicacy at present forbids my mentioning the names. I also heard several of the soldiers acknowledge and boast of having stolen money in one place, clothing and bedding in another, and horses in another, whilst corn, pork, and beef were taken by the whole army to support the men and horses; and in many cases cattle, hogs, and sheep were shot down, and only a small portion of them used—the rest left to waste. Of these crimes, of which the soldiers boasted, the general officers freely conversed and corroborated the same. And even General Doniphan, who professed to be opposed to such proceedings, acknowledged the truth of them, and gave us several particulars in detail. …If tried at all, they must be tried by authorities who have trampled all law under their feet, and who have assisted in committing murder, robbery, treason, arson, rape, burglary and felony, and who have made a law of banishment, contrary to the laws of all nations, and executed this barbarous law with the utmost rigor and severity. Go to the Top
Radke-Moss claims that “If you can humanize a victim of rape in the visage of Eliza R. Snow, then that allows you to see the women in your ward differently, it allows you to see teenage girls differently and how they’ve been victims of rape, it allows you to humanize and personalize that notion that this is a real crime.”
Radke-Moss’ agenda here could not be more clear. Yet, if one simply goes to the Church’s website and enters the word “rape” into their search engine, multiple pages of articles and talks appear about rape. Some are very personal, like the article titled “A Hole in Her Soul” that tells the story of a young women who was given a date-rape drug and violated.
That [accounts of alleged Missouri rape victims] should help to create a larger empathy for not only what our ancestor females went through, but also for what could be around you. 
No matter how noble the motive, is it right to exploit an alleged victim for one’s own personal agenda? For some it is not, as expressed by this comment made in response to Professor Radke-Moss’ Juvenile Instructor article:
As a licensed clinical social worker, I can hope this supposition will be helpful to victims who honor the memory of Eliza. As a niece of Alice Merrill Horne, I wish you had not imposed on her privacy nor Eliza’s.
As one can see above, the Church does address rape and treats it as a “real crime.” Would the very real possibility that she was not raped help to raise awareness about rape, or will it do more harm? Go to the Top
There were many claims made by the Mormons about the “ravishment” of women during the Missouri War, and some of them are quite graphic and disturbing. But are they real accounts, or were they exaggerations made later to help boost claims of Missouri persecution? As we saw above with the quoting of the Apocrypha, (Esdras 10:22), many Mormons thought that the ravishment of women was in essence a fulfillment of prophecy. William W. Phelps wrote,
Esdras, or Ezra the High Priest, we suppose, seems to have had a great view of the last days, and for all that has ever appeared to the contrary, by the wisdom of man, he spake by the Spirit of God… 
Phelps also wrote that, “Our Savior, who knew all things that should come to pass in the last days, even when he come in his glory to reign on earth with his saints, said before the end should come, there should be great tribulations, such as was not since the beginning of the world to this time, no, nor ever should be.” That there would be “mockers in the last time, who should walk after their own ungodly lusts.” The Saints would suffer, but they should hold on to the promise of Zion and “rejoice, with joy unspeakable; for while the nations are crumbling to pieces, and men are filling up the tombs without repentance, you know your redemption is nigh, and you believe that Israel will soon be gathered home to meet his God, when he comes in his glory.” 
But for now, “the seal of Zion hath now lost her honor; for she is delivered into the hands of them that hate us,” and though “holy things are defiled,”, and “our children are put to shame,” and “our righteous men carried away,” while “virgins are defiled and our wives ravished,” they must “put away the multitude of sorrows, they they mighty may be merciful unto thee again, and the Highest shall give thee rest and ease from thy labor.”  Go to the Top
Women would be “ravished”, and so the accounts by the Mormons would declare that had happened. Here are the accounts.
Gentry and Compton write that Mosiah Hancock was apparently an eye witness to a brutal rape in Far West, yet Hancock was only four years old at the time. In 1896 Mosiah wrote an autobiography called “The Life Story of Mosiah Lyman Hancock,” which was typed and bound. This is the document that Alexander Baugh in his footnote above calls a journal. The State Militia is always referred to as a “mob”, he calls George M. Hinkle “Judas Iscariot Hinkle”, and claims that in Far West,
“Hinkle formed a brotherhood in a hollow square, and made them cast their arms of defense on the ground. He then delivered the prophet over to the mob! After they had taken the arms from the brethren, they kept the brethren in the square for three days and two nights without food. The mob became very brave after they had taken the brethren’s arms. One of their officers complimented the men on their bravery, and said, “Now you can go and do as you please with their women.” Many of them left with the intention of committing rapine. When the terrified women ran out to escape those brutal fiends, it was more than the men in the square could stand! They ran out to protect their loved ones; then the mobbers turned loose and shot down men, women, and children! 
This account is an obvious conflation with events that happened at Shoal Creek. How Hancock could know what the men were saying to each other when he wasn’t even there is mystifying. Two pages later, Hancock gives this account of his experience as a four year old in Far West:
It is a fact which should be remembered. . . . . the Hancock brothers, Levi, Joseph, and Solomon, with their guns guarded and fed 600 men, women, and children while camped in the woods after they had been driven from their homes. They were waiting for an opportunity to get away. I saw the Prophet marched away; and I saw, oh, the scenes I witnessed! I do not think people would believe them, so I will forbear. The howling fiends, although they wore the uniforms of the U.S., they were not to be trusted! So some of the brethren made three hundred tomahawks for protection.
I can hold it no longer—–and I tell the truth when I say…..I saw a thing in the shape of a man grab an infant from its mother’s arms and bash it’s brains out against a tree! Two men got hold of me and had it their own way for awhile; but before they commenced, they told me I could pray. I rehearsed a part of a piece spoken by a young Indian, “The sun sets at night and the stars shun the day; but glory remains when twilight fades away. Begin ye tormentors, your threats are in vain; for the son of Alnasmak will never complain.” They showed me no mercy! . . I could look upon my body, and I was far above them and was glad; for behold, I saw a personage draped in perfect white who said to me, “Mosiah, you have got to go back to the earth, for you have a work to do!” How I ever came back I can never say!
I saw the fiends tie a young person to a bench—she was scarcely sixteen years of age—-and fourteen things in human form performed “that” upon their victim which would cause a hyena to revolt at their fiendish orgies! It continued long after their fainting victim had become unconscious. This with other things too numerous to mention were enough to cause the Saints to pause and consider the dismal surroundings confronting them. Go to the Top
It is hard to take any of Hancock’s claims seriously. Here are the other accounts listed by Alexander Baugh:
This mob rifled the city, took what they wished, and committed many cruel and shameful deeds. These barbarous acts were done because they said the Mormons had stolen their goods and chattels, and while they pretended to search for stolen property they ravished women and committed other crimes at will.
Companies and armies gathered in different parts of the country, till October 29th, at which time Generals Lucas, and Wilson, from Jackson County, marched in view of Far West way within 1 mile with an army of 3500 armed men, and three pieces of cannon and there lay devouring and destroying the cattle, sheep, hogs, corn, and every other kind of property, that an ungoverned soldiery could lay their hands on, even shooting cattle and hogs they did not want to make use of.
The people in the country were stealing and carrying off horses, wagons, sheep, hogs, and cattle, and property of every kind. Household furniture and everything they could lay their hands on, abusing men, women, and children, ravishing females, even threatening them with drawn pistols, and dirks, all which conduct continued to be practiced less or more while the Saints remained in the state this army lay their the 31st near the going down of the sun, at which time our beloved brethren were taken into custody by our enemies, being betrayed by G. [George] M. Hinkle, our commanding officer, and others also became deserters from the faith. Go to the Top
During the late summer and fall of 1838, the state militia had been gathering about the city of Far West, demanding capitulation of her people and their exodus from the state. In the event of their refusal to go, they were, in the order of Governor Boggs, to be exterminated. Writers of Church history refer to the militia of the state as a mob militia. The militia, however was regularly organized and under the comma.d of the sworn officers of the state; and while it committed the outrages and excesses of a mob, it acted under color of law and was properly entitled to the designation of a mobbing militia — not mob militia.
Some of the leaders of this organization evidently preferred that the Saints leave the state, while others were brutal enough to undertake the work of extermination. They had engaged in a brutal massacre at Haun’s mill, had broken in upon the inhabitants at Far West, and committed many of the barbarous practices of the dark ages. Men were insulted in the streets, their wives outraged in their homes, and a reign of terror so prevailed in Far West that the Saints, who at first were determined to protect themselves, were glad enough to escape the horrors of those evil days by removing to any state or country in which they might enjoy some freedom and be protected. The country round about
Far West was guarded by militia with a view of shutting off retreat and of preventing any concerted action on the part of the Mormcns, who already numbered several thousands in the different counties of Missouri.
The mob or militia burnt my house, stole a valuable horse from me, killed my fat hogs, drove off my stock. I had some 300 bushels of the best of corn in the crib taken out of the crib. They fed our oats in the sack, destroyed my hay, and left everything in a state of desolation from one end of the county to the other, abusing the sisters whenever they thought it best to suit their brutal and hellish desires.
Alexander Baugh writes that,
The Western Emigrant reported that several members of the army sexually assaulted “fifteen or twenty Mormon girls (forcing them) to yield to their brutal passions.
Yet, the article in the Western Emigrant argues that the claims were too fantastic to be believed, and that without some further corroboration, they refused to give them credence. The article reads,
A friend has politely furnished us with the “Pittsburgh Saturday Evening Visitor,” containing a statement of enormities said to have been committed on the Mormon prisoners at Far West, and believe the statement to be untrue, we consider it a duty we owe the people of Missouri to defend them against so foul a slander, as that contained in the letter making these charges. We do not apprehend that any individual in our state, will give the smallest credence to this slander, but it may [be] credited elsewhere. From the circumstance and mode adopted for propogating this terrible story; it would appear that the writer of the letter had an evil design, — he dates his letter from Millersburg which is in Calaway County, and directs it to the editor of the Nashville Whig, and by the Whig it is published to the world, not however without expressing doubts of the truth of the story. Here it is:
We find in the Nashville Whig, a letter from a correspondent of that paper, dated Millersburgh, from which we take the annexed extract, relating to the capture of the Mormons:
“The Mormons upon the approach of the mob, sent out a white flag, which being fired on by the mob, Jo Smith and Rigdon, and a few other Mormons of less influence, gave themselves up to the mob, with a view of so far appeasing their wrath as to save their women and children from violence. — Vain hopes! The prisoners being secured, the mob entered the town and perpetrated every conceivable act of brutality and outrage — forcing fifteen or twenty Mormon girls to yield to their brutal passions!! Of these things I was assured by many persons while I was at Far West, in whose veracity I have the utmost confidence; I conversed with many of the prisoners, who numbered about 800, among whom I recognized many old acquaintances, who had seen better days. There were many young and interesting girls among them, and I assure you a more distracted set of creatures I never saw. I assure you my dear sir, it was peculiarly heart-rending to see old grey headed fathers and mothers, young ladies and innocent babes, forced at this inclement season to abandon their warm houses, which were, in many cases greatly improved, and showed a high degree of refinement and civilization.”
The above is a most horrible disclosure, and for the credit of human nature — we are bound to believe it is untrue. We cannot believe, except on further evidence — that we have in this State any demons in human form, who would be guilty of the atrocities related by this writer. If it were so, and there was not among us moral feeling enough to condemn, and moral power enough to punish, such unspeakable abominations then would the state be unfit for the residence of any human being, who, with the form of a man, preserves any of the feelings that belong to humanity.
Are these charges true or false? If they are true, then the sooner the execrable ruffians who can be guilty of such outrages, are dragged to light and doomed to suffer the penalties due to such an [anonymous] atrocities, the better for the well-being of our society and the character of our state. Smothering and cloaking over crimes that strike at the foundation of civilized society — crimes that respect neither the life of man nor the sacred chastity of woman — crimes that strike down and stab to the heart unarmed and unresisting innocence; and that, in the fury of unbridled passion, regard perhaps only with fiendish laughter, the woeful supplication, entreating cry and piteous shriek of maiden purity, assailed with a brutal and ferocious violence, that knows not how to spare — covering up such crimes either from motivesa of policy or fear, equals in enormity the very crimes themselves.
It will appear evident to every reader in Missouri that the propagator of these foul charges against the citizen soldiers, has been either grossly imposed upon or has made statements which he knew to be untrue; we hope the former is the case. We were not at Far West upon the occasion referred to, and theregore cannot from our knowledge say any thing in reference to this subject, but so far as the testimony of others who were there is to be relied on, we consider ourselves warranted in saying that the whole statement of the Millersburg letter writer, so far as it regards the outrage charged to have been perpetrated by the soldiers upon the defenceless women, is utterly untrue, and we hope that those editors who have given publicity to the charges will see the propriety of contradicting them.
I have to agree with Stephen LeSueur that these accounts are all either based on heresay or rumor, are so vague as to have little value, or outright exaggerations. There are then the accounts by Brigham Young and Parley Pratt, both of who were not eyewitnesses, and made their accounts as brutal as they possibly could. (In all of the Civil War documents, I could find none where any woman was ravished to death, even though there are many accounts of gang-rapes).  Go to the Top
So, are there any credible accounts of sexual violence during the Mormon War? I could find only one, mentioned above by LeSueur. And this was an attempt at sexual violence, not an actual rape:
I hereby certify that my husband William Naper and myself lived near Haun’s mills about three months previous to the massacre at Haun’s which was on the 30th of Octr. A. D. 1838
The man we lived with who did not belong to the Church told us the week previous to the massacre that the Mormons would all be killed within a month that there would not be one left a span long in Caldwell Co. in that time. After the massacre was over I went into a certain blacksmith shop where I found my husband dead, he was shot through the breast, there were seven others in the shop dead and dying I did not count those who were dead outside of the shop therefore the whole number killed is unknown to me but I suppose seventeen or eighteen were killed. I judged that there were three at least three hundred of this mob armed force and I heard some of them say that there were over four hundred of them. They came upon us on a sudden for they came rushing out of the woods[.] We had a few days previous moved to within a short distance of Haun’s mills. After this company had ceased fireing they sent and you ordered me and other women to leave the houses, which we did and then they plundered them of our efforts.
After a few days there came back a large company of armed men and took possession of Haun’s mill and they also crowded into our house and crowded me and my children away from the fire without my consent they lodged there and one night one of them came to my bed and laid his hand upon me which so frightened me that I made quite a noise and crept over the back side of my children, and he offered no further insult at the time. This company camped in the nieghborhood between one and two weeks to our great inconvenience for they took from the brethren grain, cattle, hogs, bee stands, &.C. as free to appearance as though it was they were their own
Commerce Ill. Decr. 2d 1839 Ruth Naper
[Sworn to before D. H. Wells, J.P., Hancock Co., IL, 3 Jan 1840.]
Reading this account, it makes one wonder if a rape actually did occur, and that perhaps Ruth Naper didn’t want to admit it. This incident occurred in the aftermath of the Shoal Creek Massacre, while most of the State Militia were busy at Far West, far from protected settlements like Diahman. Go to the Top
There is another eyewitness account, but this one has problems. It was given by Elijah Reed, who wrote two affidavits. The alleged sexual assault is not found in the first one, but in the second, made a year later. In his first affidavit, Reed gives a bill of damages and then explains why he wants $500 for “my Life being Sought & in Danger & the Loss of my health in being Exposed to Cold & Wet”.
Reed claims that “the mob came to my house in Ray County Seeking for me in the time of Excitement & I was Obliged to flee from my house without … Clothing or Provision.” He was then “Obliged to lay in the fields and woods” which made him “sick with the Chill Fever.” He claims that his family also left “for several days”. “The mob” wrote Reed, “went to my house Several times Swearing they would kill me if they Could find me of which my Family [who must have returned] informed”. He then states that “they Finally got track of me & Pursued me & about two & ahalf miles from home a Large number of them Surrounded me in the night in a Hazle thicket of about Five acres,” but that he escaped them. “In about two weeks From the time I left I returned home again,” writes Reed, and “one of the Mob James Snowden Sen” told him that “they would have killed me if the Could have found me.” Reed then claims that instead of killing him, Snowden and others “held a meeting & Resolved to Drive me & two others out of the County forthwith, but Mr. L. B. Fleak a Neighbor of mine kindly Interceded” and his family was given more time to stay. 
This account is very strange. Why, if those Missourians wanted Reed dead so badly, did they chase him all over Ray and Caldwell County, and then when he returned in a few weeks hold a meeting and give them all time to get well enough to move and get their affairs in order? Reed’s second affidavit written a year later adds things that were not in the first account. Go to the Top
He writes that “During the Excitement of Mormon war as it is Called I was Called uppon By Anderson Martin & Several others of Richmond Ray County & Said if I would give them my gun & Deny my Faith or religion that I should have Protection.” Reed writes that “I refused to Comply,” and “Considerable Conversation Passed & the Same was Proposed again by Mr. Henly & I made the Same reply.” Reed then claimed that they told him “by God you Shall not be Protected & left me in about an hour after there was a Company of men Sent to take me but I kept out of their way & from that time until after the Surrender of the Brethren in Far West the Mob hunted me Constantly.”
Reed then claims that “the account I have Partially given in my bill of Damages.” He then adds that “I was closely Pursued.” Reed then claims that “I was at a Br Jimmisons house in a by place on the 29th of Oct & in the night of the that day a Company of men Came to the House & Demanded admittence & threatened to Breake Down the Door.”
He states that “Mr J got up and opened the Door meantime I hid under the Bed the men Came in and said they were Soldiers & he must go with them … to the Malitia Camp above Richmond.” Reed then claims that as Jimmison and another man “went for a horse at the Stable when they had got a little from the house the man Fired a gun & said the D——d rascal had ran from him he then returned to the house & they began to abus[e] Mrs. [Mary] Jimm[iso]n wanting to sleep with her But she begged & cried For them to Desist & they Did so.”
Reed writes that ” I lay under the Bed During this time they soon left the house & we supposed they had killed him.” Reed then claims that he “lay in the Field the remainder of the night the next Day I went to Caldwell we then learned of the Battle at Hawns Mill the Day Previous & From thence we went to Far West on the third of Nov. I was then taken Sick & was Confined to the house.”
He claims that after General Clark spoke to the Mormons at Far West which he did not hear because he was sick, he “went home in Ray Co a bout 35 miles.” Then, writes Reed, “in a Few Days I had notice by Mr David Snowden who said he was Captain of the men on the Bottom by the authority of the General who had the Command of the men sent to Caldwell & he told me I must leave by Sunday.” Reed then writes that “I accordingly Disposed of my Property as Fast as I could For what I Could get But my one of my Neighbours Iterceded & I got to Stay till my Family was able to Move as they were all Sick with the Chills & Fever & had Been During my absence of 10 Days.” Go to the Top
There was a Charles Jameson who was married to Mary Hedrick (sometimes Shadrick). They were baptized on April 6, 1834 in Ohio. He was a skilled blacksmith and farmer and lived at the Hawn’s Mill settlement and worked in the blacksmith shop. His name was spelled as Jimison in some accounts.
What I found odd is that Elijah Reed writes that he went to the home of Charles Jameson, and claims (Charles) was taken prisoner by the Militia and then he (Reed) heard a gun and they (Reed and Mary Jameson) supposed that Charles was murdered by them. Reed claims that this took place on the night of October 29th. This makes little sense since Charles Jameson was present at the Mill on the 30th (the day of the massacre) and was seriously wounded during the fight there. Reed also claims that the next day (after he saw the Jamesons) he went to Caldwell and learned of the Battle at Hawn’s Mill the day before.. That would be the same day that Charles was injured in the battle. Elijah Reed’s account just doesn’t get the dates right. Mary Elizabeth Rollins Lightner recorded the horrific account of what happened to Charles Jameson in her diary:
About this time occurred the Haun’s Mill massacre where the mob killed 17 men and hurled their bodies down a well. Oh, what a time that was! One man was shot several times. He crawled into the brush. The men followed him. One said, “shoot him.” Another said, “No let him suffer. He’s dying anyway.” But he did not die; he lived to go to Utah and lived to a good old age. He lived in the same town I did and I’ve heard him tell many times that story as well as other incidents connected with that terrible massacre. His name was Charles Jameson.
Jameson was there at the time of the attack, and was shot four times, but survived and filed a redress petition on January 20, 1840. What Reed writes in the 1840 account appears to be is a second hand account/rumor that Elijah Reed includes for some reason in his second affidavit. It is highly unlikely that the Missourians caught the Jameson’s unprepared, (even on the day before the attack) since Joseph Young wrote that when he arrived on Sunday, the 28th of October “about twenty-eight of our men armed themselves, and were in constant readiness for an attack of any small body of men that might come down on them.” Two days “passed in tranquility,” as did most of the day of the attack. The Mormons knew that Colonel Jennings of Livingston County was in the area, but they were not expecting an attack from a large body of men and so were taken by surprise on Tuesday, the 30th.
Reed mentions Anderson Martin, who along with others from Ray County had written to Atchison on September 10th, to intervene and stop the “insurrection”, and was also part of a committee that was appointed to help indigent and suffering families with money that was granted by the Missouri Legislature after the surrender at Far West. 
The Henly that Reed mentions is most likely Israel R. Hendly who was a 1st Lieutenant in the Ray County Militia who had served in the Heatherly War in 1836 and the Florida War in 1837. He died on June 25, 1847 during the Mexican War, (as a Captain) while serving in Col. Sterling Prices Regiment (2nd Battalion Missouri Mounted Riflemen) under Kearny and Doniphan. Did Elijah Reed include this attempted rape account in his 2nd affidavit to give the Mormon charges of sexual assault more credence? Go to the Top
Associate Professor (of B.Y.U.), Paul C. Richards wrote an insightful article for BYU Studies about Mormon Persecution and the Missouri Redress Petitions when they were first rediscovered in 1973 at the National Archives. Richards writes that these
…affidavits, including the twenty-eight written by women, give little or no evidence of attacks on women. It may be that victims of such assaults were, as today, reluctant to talk about them. Hearsay evidence in HC 3:428 and 464 indicates that several women were violated by mobs, but there is no direct evidence for such instances in MSS 942. In fact, a study of the affidavits leaves one with the feeling that even the worst of the Missourians had a certain respect for women—even Mormon women. Knowing what soldiers and street gangs have done in more recent times, perhaps we tend to pin these same types of atrocities on the early Missourians, but the affidavits do not back up this assumption. The following account by Catherine Fuller describes conditions which would afford every opportunity for mobbers to violate Mormon women, yet no mention is made of this type of atrocity:
I hereby certify that my husband and myself settled within about a mile of Haun’s mill Caldwell Co. Missouri in the fall of AD. 1836 where we lived untill the massacre at the mills the 30th of Octr. 1838, at which time and place my husband was killed. About a week after the massacre I was at the mills and saw a large company of our enemies, as I understood, tented there I heard one of them by the name of Comstock say to Sister Merrill who lived in the house with me that if he could get his eye upon her husband he should be a dead man. Companies of from six to ten came to our house enquiring for men and guns a number of times.
This affidavit exhibits a strange, matter-of-fact association with the mobbers that gives cause for wonder. Ruth Naper’s account also is intriguing because of her concern for seeming trivia after having lived through the Haun’s Mill massacre. The affidavit also deals with the assault question.
. . . After a few days there came back a large company of armed men and took possession of Haun’s mill and they also crowded into house and crowded me and my children away from the fire without my consent they lodged there and one night one of them came to my bed and laid his hand upon me which so frightened me that I made quite a noise and crept over the back side of my children, and he offered no further insult at this time. This company camped in the neighborhood between one and two weeks to our great inconvenience for they took from the brethren grain, cattle, hogs, bee stands, &c. as free to appearance as though they were their own. Only one other affidavit* says anything directly about assaults on women.
*That affidavit is the second one written by Elijah Reed in 1840, mentioned above.
Go to the Top
“But it’s the truth even if it didn’t happen.” ― Ken Kesey,
Radke-Moss said Horne’s autobiography also attributes Snow’s infertility to the rape, according to the article. According to BYU-Idaho Scroll, “My paper sought to address the history of how women experienced the violence in Missouri, particularly as victims of sexual violence,” Radke-Moss said in an article for the Juvenile Instructor, a website dedicated to Latter-day Saint history.” In our Facebook Conversatio Radke-Moss added:
“You have an elderly female confiding to a younger woman 40 years after it happens,” Radke-Moss said in a Facebook conversation. “The way that women convey information, the way that women tell stories is not being accounted as a legitimate source, but all these military leaders say, ‘Well, of course, my men would never do that.’ That’s being seen as a legitimate source, but the women who experienced it are still being discounted. That’s rape culture. It happened then; it happens today.”
What we were doing in that conversation was giving more credence to the contemporary historical evidence over a 100 year later second hand account. Radke-Moss didn’t seem to realize this distinction when we made it. And it was not only just believing what military leaders said. It was what Eliza Snow wrote, what other Mormon women wrote at the time, what those who were there and made observations wrote. It was taking the totality of the historical evidence and comparing that to Radke-Moss’ account. Different people were making different points. Her answer to all of them was to cry “Rape Culture!”
One of the problems with rape culture, is that many women are reluctant to speak about their experience. This is a well known fact that no one was denying. Above, Radke-Moss seems to be saying that Eliza Snow herself confided it to Alice Horne, even though there is no evidence that this ever happened. (If it isn’t Snow, then who is this “elderly woman”?) From what Radke-Moss published, we have no way to determine exactly who Alice Horne overheard. One can only hope that there will be more information forthcoming. In our Facebook discussion, Radke-Moss brought up the subject of rape culture again:
But that’s the problem: the 19th century culture precluded women from being open about this. Unfortunately, rape DID involve shame for women, rape was difficult to prove, but rape DID happen. And it just seems like you are trying very hard to privilege the voice of one man over the very real likelihood that women were rape victims, but who suffered in silence under a 19th-century culture that would not allow them to receive justice for crimes committed against them. Especially in this tit-for-tat between male voices (like Corrill) over what they are claiming did or didn’t happen in Missouri. I mean, c’mon. You really don’t believe that across four counties, and considering thousands of people affected, that not one wartime rape occurred? Just because Corrill said he didn’t know of any? And then, to place the burden of proof of this on female victims, who are already silenced in a culture of masculine war, masculine property, masculine ownership of women’s bodies?
Just to be fair, I had written before Radke-Moss made this comment:
What I see, is that if there were women that were raped in Missouri, and this is a possibility, that the Mormons themselves make it very hard to believe it with their over the top rhetoric and exaggerations. So, could there have been rapes? SURE. But that is not enough to claim it in an individual case without good evidence. I’m really skeptical though, about gang rapes of 20 or 30 men like Parley Pratt wrote about.
This includes the alleged rape of Eliza Snow. Again, it comes back to if the Horne recollection is good evidence. Good enough evidence to warrant the comments that Radke-Moss is making about Eliza Snow. In a later comment in the same FB Discussion, Mormon Apologist Russell Stevenson wrote:
First the apologetic/political ramifications of the accusation, while significant, should not serve as a basis for delegitimization of the claims. Lots of verifiable claims can be used by propogandists to prove various polemical positions.
Second, if you study anything about nineteenth-century sexuality, then we know that finding smoking gun evidence of rape is not an easy thing–particularly at a time of war (and rape’s prevalence in a time of war is so common that it can be almost assumed). What’s being asked for here is evidence “beyond a reasonable doubt.” But…holding that standard for nineteenth-century inquiry of this nature is an incredibly exacting one, one that would enable us to essentially cast doubt on a wide array of claims. We would be able to, essentially, dismiss most master-slave rape cases as nonexistent based on that standard. Even modern rapes manage to slip under the radar of evidentiary standards. Does this negate their existence?
Third, what of this particular case? Well, we do have _something_. It has limitations, but it’s not nothing. And it’s at least as good as other evidence we routinely use to understand JS’s polygamy (Angus Cannon’s comment on Josephine Fisher comes to mind). The setting was not a public one (so it can’t be easily dismissed as propaganda). And expecting a single male voice like Corrill to know _all the atrocities_ is simply unrealistic.
So let’s not hold this evidence or Andrea Radke-Moss’s claims to standards that they have not claimed for themselves. While the weight might not be as heavy to be a slamdunk, it’s clear that the needle on the scales is now leaning in one direction.
Of course, this was a Facebook discussion and it seems to have been lost on Radke-Moss and Stevenson that I was using Corrill as only one example. (There are others that I’ve mentioned in this article and other people in the discussion had even more examples). To be clear, I replied to Stevenson:
Who is asking for evidence “beyond a reasonable doubt”? Certainly not me. Where are you getting that from? What I am asking for is evidence that is more than a century later recollection made by a woman who obviously worshiped Eliza R. Snow, and is apologetic in nature to explain her lack of fertility. And there is plenty of evidence for master/slave rape. But that in and of itself was a complicated issue. In relation to this argument, it is a red herring. What I am not for, is jumping to conclusions based on hearsay. Go to the Top
In deigning to question Professor Radke-Moss’ source for the claimed Eliza Snow rape and ask for evidence of when it could have occurred, several accusations were thrown at me from Radke-Moss and Apologist Russell Stevenson, who whole-heartedly embraced Radke-Moss’ source by claiming:
While the weight might not be as heavy to be a slamdunk, it’s clear that the needle on the scales is now leaning in one direction. [that she was gang-raped]
I disagree that it is leaning in that direction, based on the information given to us by Radke-Moss so far. He also claimed her evidence was “at least as good as other evidence regularly used in discussing historical sexual crimes.” He then told me, “But this is where this conversation ends.”
I was very amused by his last comment, that he could simply end a conversation because he disagreed with someone. Because I questioned the source (documented above), I was told by both Radke-Moss and Stevenson that my motives were “suspect”; and then by Stevenson that was the end of the discussion, though he did not stop replying at that point. Stevenson also said that
“the apologetic/political ramifications of the accusation, while significant, should not serve as a basis for delegitimization of the claims. Lots of verifiable claims can be used by propogandists [sic] to prove various polemical positions.”
So, one cannot factor in the apologetic motives of someone who makes such a claim? Why should we just throw that out the window? And just who is Stevenson to determine what should be the basis of evaluating the Horne recollection? Just because legitimate claims are sometimes used by those with an agenda to prove controversial positions? What was Alice Horne trying to prove? This account has been touted by Radke-Moss as being made without any kind of agenda. But when one reads the account, it becomes obvious that it is filled with polygamy propaganda. Is Radke-Moss certain that Alice Horne never wanted to publish her autobiography or influence those that might later read it?
Stevenson then sets up an elaborate straw man with this argument:
Second, if you study anything about nineteenth-century sexuality, then we know that finding smoking gun evidence of rape is not an easy thing–particularly at a time of war (and rape’s prevalence in a time of war is so common that it can be almost assumed). What’s being asked for here is evidence “beyond a reasonable doubt.” But…holding that standard for nineteenth-century inquiry of this nature is an incredibly exacting one, one that would enable us to essentially cast doubt on a wide array of claims. We would be able to, essentially, dismiss most master-slave rape cases as nonexistent based on that standard. Even modern rapes manage to slip under the radar of evidentiary standards. Does this negate their existence?
First, who was asking for “smoking gun evidence”? Certainly not me. But I was asking for better evidence than a fifty year later recollection of an event that took place 100 years before the recollection was written. I was asking for evidence that would give us a plausible timeline for when the rape could have occurred. I was asking to have Eliza Snow’s own accounts of her activities factored in. He then told me that in order to have acceptable evidence, I needed to provide a denial that it happened from Eliza Snow herself!
Nowhere in this account [actually it was multiple accounts that I provided] is there a shred negating the account presented. She made no claim to this [account] being comprehensive or all-inclusive.
Do people usually do that when writing autobiographies? Write disclaimers that they are not “all inclusive”? So what should we do, simply discount them all because they didn’t mention an alleged rape? That the silence that surely is prevalent (but not complete) in rape culture automatically applies to Eliza Snow? Yet this is exactly what Radke-Moss and Stevenson would have us do.
I simply replied, “If there was no rape there would be no reason to negate it. What you are doing is Argumentum ad Ignorantiam. Stevenson then replied,
We don’t have ignorance; we have evidence at least as good as other evidence regularly used in discussing historical sexual crimes. And citing a general account meant for the public does nothing to disprove it. But this is where this conversation ends.
Actually they don’t have evidence “at least as good as other evidence regularly used in discussing historical sexual crimes.” There is court testimony, witness statements, depositions, and other evidence far superior to a 100 year later recollection in the historical record. I will elaborate on this below. And Eliza’s Bancroft History was not discovered and published until almost sixty years after she died, and her involvement with polygamy was not included in that publication. Argumentative ad Ignorantiam is not about having ignorance, so I offered the definition:
Argumentum ad Ignorantiam: (appeal to ignorance) the fallacy that a proposition is true simply on the basis that it has not been proved false or that it is false simply because it has not been proved true. This error in reasoning is often expressed with influential rhetoric.
Stevenson then remarked:
Yes, thank you for offering that textbook definition of this fallacy (which is understood by all here and frankly adds nothing). We do not have an unfounded proposition. We have evidence for a proposition that you have chosen not to accept and made a very involved personal mission to reject–to the point that your commitment to this is suspect.
If he understands Argumentative ad Ignorantiam, he sure doesn’t show it here. It has nothing to do with ignorance or unfounded propositions. It has everything to do with what he said to me, that because I don’t have specific evidence (a negation by Snow) that it happened, then it is more likely to be true. Remember he told us which way the needle is leaning? So now my commitment to finding out what really happened is “suspect”? And I don’t accept Horne’s account because it has not been corroborated by any other credible evidence. The whole purpose of discussing it, is to see if it stands up to scrutiny.
Stevenson is dead wrong about there being credible/”smoking gun” evidence of rape during Wars. (I discuss Civil War rape evidence below). He claims that I am asking for evidence “beyond a reasonable doubt”. I never asked for any such thing.
This is the problem that some have with the Emma Smith/Eliza Snow miscarriage story. It was never told by Eliza herself, many details are wrong, and the accounts are all decades after the fact.
Why does Radke-Moss reject this account but accept the gang-rape account? I’ll be the first to admit that the miscarriage story has many problems. But then, so does the Alice Horne recollection, which I’ve documented above. Why is the Alice Horne recollection any better than the account by Charles C. Rich related to Leroi C. Snow? We don’t even know which women were present when Alice Horne heard the story!
Stevenson continues his straw man by then claiming that if we use his own “beyond a reasonable doubt” criteria it would enable anyone to cast doubt on just about everything. Well, sure. But no one set that criteria except Stevenson.
He then claims (astoundingly) that I was denying that silence about rapes existed or still exists. What I was arguing was using that as a crutch to prop up the gang rape of Eliza Snow wasn’t acceptable to me, or that acknowledging it does anything to bolster the Horne account from being no more than a vague recollection made fifty years after it was supposedly heard. If Eliza was gang-raped, she obviously told someone, or we would not be discussing it. Who did she tell? When did she tell them? Is what Horne recalled an accurate representation of that? These are legitimate questions to ask.
Stevenson is also completely wrong about the available evidence about slave/master rape. I wrote,
Who is asking for evidence “beyond a reasonable doubt”? Certainly not me. Where are you getting that from? What I am asking for is evidence that is more than a century later recollection made by a woman who obviously worshiped Eliza R. Snow, and is apologetic in nature to explain her lack of fertility. And there is plenty of evidence for master/slave rape. But that in and of itself was a complicated issue. In relation to this argument, it is a red herring. What I am not for, is jumping to conclusions based on hearsay.
For individual cases of master-slave rape? Hardly–and certainly for historians a century later. And if you think there’s “plenty” for individual cases (which is what you are asking for), then you must have access to sources that no one else did. Most of them could be delegitimized on _precisely_ the same grounds you’re delegitimizing this evidence. It’s late. It’s rumor. Why didn’t so-and-so talk about it? And it’s certainly no more complicated than proving this case. Is it a red herring to talk about…other instances of rape?
No, it’s a red herring to say that I wanted evidence “beyond a reasonable doubt” and that with that criteria one could reject any claims of rape. What I did, was rebut Stevenson’s false claim that there isn’t any credible evidence of master/slave rape. There is. Plenty of it. And it is not just rumor or second hand accounts from a century later. Go to the Top
Sharon Block provides massive amounts of evidence in her landmark book, Rape and Sexual Power in Early America:
A man’s position as the head of a household might allow him ready access to dependent women within that household. Servants and slaves were prime targets for sexual coercion by their masters. A household head’s power over a dependent woman’s labor could be translated into opportunities for sexual coercion without the taboo of incest or child rape. A master’s available techniques for sexual coercion also allowed forceful acts of coercion to appear more consensual than a stranger’s onetime attack. I5 Servants repeatedly told of unending pressure, if not coercion, to engage in sexual relations with their masters. Colonial court records are filled with fornication cases involving masters and servants. As early as 1662, Virginia law mandated the punishment of “dissolute masters” who impregnated their female male servants. In a 1724 Virginia court, a servant complained that her master “continually Importuned” her “by all ways and means to prostitute her body to him which he Dayly practices to the other servant woman belonging to him.” A decade later, Pennsylvania servant Hannah Gother testified that her master had “pretended to Court her and through great promises of marrying her he over came her and had Karnall knowledge of her body many times.” Hannah did not mention overt physical coercion – perhaps trying to protect herself, she claimed only that she had sexual relations under false pretenses. Like Hannah, many women defended themselves against fornication charges with formulaic language of false promises of marriage. The incident might have straddled the margins of forced sex – if Hannah had refused her master, she might have lost her livelihood. Either way, women’s testimony that they had been tricked into having sex made consensual sex seem at least slightly coerced, and, reciprocally, such master-servant cases as Hannah’s might seem consensual. Occasional incidents were more clear-cut: in the 1750’s, a Lutheran minister complained about a man who had repeatedly attempted “to rape the servant girl.” But pinpointing the degree of coercion in many cases is impossible precisely because the power of mastery could blur the degree of coercion in master-servant sexual relations.
These are servant women in the 18th and 19th Centuries, testifying against their masters/employers in court. Colonial court records are filled with such cases. Though there were many cases and women who testified, tragically there were no convictions of white men before the Civil War. Often it was others who brought the charges against the slaves owners:
Enslaved women faced similar pressures and were even more vulnerable to their masters’ sexual coercion. By the eighteenth century, slavery followed the status of the mother, meaning that masters need not fear paternity liability if a pregnancy resulted from the rape. Nor would masters have had to fear the legal repercussions of a rape charge, which was practically unheard of though legally possible. No rape conviction against a white man, let alone a victim’s owner, for raping an enslaved woman has been found between at least 1700 and the Civil War. As with white servant women, scattered records suggest that enslaved black women also engaged in sexual relations – perhaps forced, perhaps nominally consensual – with their masters. In 1756, John Briggs complained to a Rhode Island court that he had been defamed by the charge that he had “offered to be naught [y] with his Negrow woman.” In 1775, a Virginia Baptist church heard accusations that a member had offered “the Act of uncleaness to a Mulatto Girl of his own.” In 1783, a Delaware court brought a bastardy charge against Michael Hart for impregnating his slave. The few such documented incidents most probably represent many more unrecorded ones. As early abolitionist David Rice rhetorically asked in 1792, “How often have [white] men children by their own slaves, by their fathers’ slaves, or the slaves of their neighbours?” Even if only a small percentage of the forced interracial master-slave sexual relationships resulted in master-fathered enslaved children, the number of American mixed-race children born into slavery suggest that such relations were far more common than surviving documents.
This is what I meant when I said there was plenty of evidence to show that there were slave/master rapes. These are not vague 100 year later recollections, they are actual documents from the time period. Court cases. Testimony. Eye witnesses. Though the conviction rate was abysmal, the complaints and documents are still extant. Block writes,
While documented instances of sexual coercion of slaves or servants by their owners or masters exist, the brief notations that comprise most of these records make it difficult to see how a position of mastery allowed for specific practices of sexual coercion. However, an analysis of two particularly well-documented cases shows the similarities between a master’s practices of sexual coercion with a white servant and with a black slave. The story of Harriet Jacobs, an enslaved woman in North Carolina who wrote a fictionalized autobiography detailing her struggles with a sexually forceful master in the early nineteenth century, is well known. Rachel Davis’s story is less familiar; surviving in manuscript court records, it is the tale of a white servant in Pennsylvania who struggled with her own master’s sexual attacks at the end of the eighteenth century.
…Both Harriet and Rachel drew direct links between their status and their masters’ sexual assaults. Each woman explained how her master had forced her into situations where he could sexually coerce her without being discovered. Rachel described several such incidents in her courtroom testimony. First, William Cress ordered her to hold the lantern for him one night in the stable, where he “tried to persuade me to something.” While the two were alone measuring grain in the barn, “he caught hold of me and pulled me on the hay.” In the most blatantly contrived incident, when they were reaping hay in the meadow, William “handed me his sickle and bad [c] me to lay it down. He saw where I put it.” Later that night, William asked Rachel “where I put them sickles.” Rachel offered to go with her sister to retrieve them, but William “said that was not as he bad [c] me.” William and Rachel went out to find the sickles, but, before they reached them, William “threw me down…. I hallowed – he put his hand over my mouth… he pulled up my cloathes, and got upon me… [and] he did penetrate my body.” According to Rachel’s statement, William forced her to accompany him into a dark field on a contrived search for a purposefully lost farm implement so that he could rape her. William’s authority to control where she went and what she did enabled him to force Rachel to have sex with him.
…Harriet Jacobs was even more explicit about the connections between James Norcum’s mastery and his ability to force her into sexually vulnerable positions. It seemed to Harriet that James followed her everywhere; in her words, “My master met me at every turn” trying to force her to have sex with him. As William did with Rachel, James structured Harriet’s work so that she was often alone with him. He ordered her to bring his meals to him so that while she watched him cat, he could verbally torture her with the possible consequences of refusing his sexual overtures. Harriet further recalled, “When I succeeded in avoiding opportunities for him to talk to me at home, I was ordered to come to his office, to do some errand.” Tiring of Harriet’s continued resistance, James ordered his four-year-old daughter to sleep near him, thus requiring that Harriet also sleep in his room in case the child needed attention during the night. After his wife objected to that arrangement, he tried to make Harriet accompany him on his solo trip to Louisiana.
As I said, this issue is complicated. But there is ample credible evidence for slave/master rape, evidence of a far better nature than a fifty year later vague recollection. Go to the Top
Maureen Stutzman writes,
As in modern-day rape prosecutions, Civil War era prosecutions privileged certain groups over others. Because women in the 1800’s were viewed as the property of men, their trials were not about their own violation, but about an attack on one man’s property by another man. For elite white women, this system of patriarchy offered some protection from rape as they were valued for their sexual purity, which was guarded by white men. Poor women and women of color, however, as “economically dependent and racially marginalized women,” were offered less protection from rape and were less likely to successfully press charges against an alleged rapist. It is in this context that the case of Harriet McKinley and Perry Pierson occurred. Historian Lawrence Stone has written, “People who are hauled into court are almost by definition atypical, but the world that is so nakedly exposed in the testimony of witnesses need not be so. Safety therefore lies in examining the documents not so much for their evidence about the eccentric behavior of the accused as for the light they shed on the life and opinions of those who happened to get involved in the incident in question.” It is with this attention to the entire court record and focus on all testimony, questioning, and behavior in mind that I have examined this court-martial case for a glimpse into the world inhabited by the people involved. This case reveals valuable information about the intersections of race, class, and gender in the courtroom and how these intersections shifted due to the social changes caused by the war.
In the National Archives in Washington, D.C. one summer, I uncovered the names of 76 men who were charged with rape or attempted rape, as well as the names of the 69 women assaulted by these men. Historian Thomas P. Lowry, looking at the same records and attempting to develop an index by crime, discovered the cases of 262 other men. Thus far, 335 cases of rape or attempted rape brought before a court-martial have been discovered. Of the 76 men whose names I discovered, 20 were identified as “colored.” There was an overwhelming number of Privates in rank, although there were also a few Corporals, Sergeants, and Lieutenants charged. Of the 69 women who were pressing charges or had charges pressed on their behalf, there were twenty identified as “colored” and only five identified as white. The remaining 44 women were not identified by race. However, upon close reading of the cases and according to social conventions of the time period, we can speculate that white was the “default” race. In other words, if a woman’s race was not identified, it meant that she was white. Also, the only situations in which the women were identified as white were cases in which the accused rapist was identified as “colored.” I found no cases in which a black man was accused of raping a black woman, which evidences the invisibility of that crime in the court system.
Let’s remember here, that Eliza Snow was not a slave, nor was she black. Stutzman writes that Lowry had found many documented rape cases that took place among Union Soldiers during the Civil War. In 2011, he published them in his book, Sexual Misbehavior in the Civil War: A Compendium. Some of Thomas Lowry’s observations about rape in the Civil War:
As Robert K. Krick pointed out, in his foreword to The Story the Soldiers Wouldn’t Tell, the eminent authorities of a generation ago could state, “Rape, of course, was unheard of in that era.” Now we know that was wrong, simply because the basic research had not been done. With the stories presented here, at least three new research possibilities suggest themselves. First, is the Southern belief in the unbridled lust of the colored man, barely held in check by the overseer’s whip and the patrollers shotgun. There were roughly 180,000 men in the US Colored Troops. Were their arrests for rape disproportionate to their numbers? On a related theme—justice for non-whites—were black men more likely to be executed for rape than white men? A third related subject for study might be the rape of black women by Union soldiers, who, in our schoolbooks at least, had come to bring them freedom. The original records of Civil War misbehavior open a whole new landscape for future researchers.
Rape in the Civil War can be most fairly compared with the same crime in other historical eras. We saw in Chapter 13 that in most wars, even within the most recent decade, rape was widespread, and has been seen as a soldier’s prerogative, or as a means of humiliating members of a defeated culture. (“See, you are weak and cannot protect your own women. I leave her humiliated, dishonored, and pregnant with my seed, not yours.”) The Union army discouraged rape as a prerogative by hanging rapists, at least some of them. Rape intended as geopolitical humiliation does not seem to be in these records. The roughly 250 rape cases in the Union record, out of an army of roughly 2.4 million, suggest that one out 10,000 Union soldiers committed an identified rape. While there are many unknowns in such statistics, it would appear that Union soldiers were remarkably well-behaved. Even in Sherman’s much-maligned March to the Sea there is a dramatic lack of documented rape. Certainly, critics can say, “Even one rape is too many,” and of course that is true. And irrelevant. In a war that spanned an entire continent, rape was—happily—a rare event.
The Militia leaders during the Mormon War also discouraged rape. This should not be dismissed out of hand as Radke-Moss’ appears to be doing. Though there were no Missourians brought to trial for their crimes during the Mormon War, the men could not have known this beforehand. This may have been a detriment to some. Conversely, with the Governor’s Extermination Order in play here, it undoubtedly influenced some to disregard the penalties of extreme behavior towards the Mormons. That is why knowing the circumstance of where Eliza Snow was during the Mormon War is so important. Go to the Top
Rape in wartime Missouri was a rural affair. The metropolis of St. Louis generated no military trials for rape. While rape itself is brutal, in Missouri it seemed to be unusually vicious, perhaps reflecting the bitter partisan guerrilla warfare that burned through the state.
Private Benjamin Davis, 1st Missouri Cavalry, raped a woman at Bull Mill, a town too small to merit a post office today. She told the court: “He pushed me on the bed, tore off my clothes, made me lay the baby by my side, took me from both front and back and then a third time.” Her 11-year-old brother said, “I saw him pull my sister’s clothes off.” After the rape, she hid in the knee-deep creek for two hours, fearing further assault. The questions of the court to her are remarkable. “Did you like it?” “Was it like with your husband?” Then the court asked the husband, “Did you beat her as she merits?” (!) They did find Davis guilty and ordered him to have his head shaved and be drummed out of the regiment to the Rogue’s March. Further, if he was found near by, he was to be shot.
Bull Mill was the seat of a second outrage, this one involving three generations. William Evans, 59th Illinois, and three unidentified men, came to the home of 80-year-old widow Sarah Downing, who lived with her daughter and three grandchildren. The daughter testified first. “The accused said he’d come to fuck me. He raped me standing in front of my mother and children, then the second man raped me, then Evans again. Then he raped my mother; it was all in the same room.” The mother had her recollection: “He said he wanted to see if ‘it’ was as gray as my head. He pulled out his penis and tried to put it in my mouth and then he raped me. I resisted, but he was too strong.” Evans received the same punishment as Davis.
At Lebanon, James Robinson and Samuel Stewart, both of the 8th Missouri Militia Cavalry, terrorized a family. They threw Elizabeth Vernon on the floor, saying, “You must submit to our wishes,” but apparently failed to complete the rape. They told her father, “We will do as we please with your daughter.” In addition to the sexual offense, the men stole cash, clothes, and a watch. Robinson got three years in prison and Stewart got five. Both received a dishonorable discharge.
At Pilot Knob, a courageous artist, William Hineley, saved a woman from a rape. “On March 31, 1862, I was in my room taking a portrait when I heard cries of distress. One hundred yards down the road was a woman, a part of her exposed, naked, with the soldier on top of her.” Hineley described the rapist’s heavy breathing, his hurried covering of his private parts, and his firing two shots at the rescuer. The victim was Nancy Willard, whose husband was away in the 12th Missouri Cavalry. The rapist was Private John Lowney of the 3rd Missouri Cavalry, who was sentenced to hard labor until the end of the war.
John W. Morgan of the 1st Missouri State Militia Cavalry was a menace to two 28-year old women at Maysville. It was June 1864. Morgan, drunk, went first to the home of Martha D. Smith and asked, “How much money would it take to let me fuck you?” His next stop was at the house of Mrs. Frances Cummings. He threw her on the ground, held her down with his knees, waved a cocked revolver, and put his hand under her dress, touching her private parts, all of this witnessed by her children. The court gave Morgan a dishonorable discharge and five years in prison.
Second Lieutenant Walter Purcell, 10th Iowa, was officer of the guard at Cape Girardeau in May 1862. Cynthia Shelton was held a prisoner on the third floor of the Johnson House, a “public house.” One evening, Purcell came to her room and had sexual intercourse with her five times. He then left for an hour to meet a newly arrived steam boat, returned to her room, and did it again. In the hour that he was away, she made no effort to leave or to summon help. She had been visited by five other men the night before and had had coitus with each of them. Others said she was “Not a woman of virtue.” The charge of rape was dropped and Purcell was set free.
At Sibley, Private Frank Paul, 11th Kansas Cavalry, was charged with robbing two men at gunpoint of $15,000 (in today’s money). He and another soldier, Alfred Weaver, went to a “colored house.” Weaver told the court, “Paul threw Ann Rennick on the floor, pulled up her clothes and said, ‘By God, I intend to screw you.’” Weaver told him to get off. The victim was not asked to testify. Paul was acquitted.
At Tipton, two men of the 6th Missouri, Benjamin Wilson and Lambert Webster, entered the home of J. W. Brand at midnight. They robbed Brand of whiskey, tobacco, pants and, possibly, a pair of mules. Brand recalled, “They went then to the Negro cabins, hauled the girl out and he [Wilson] with three others ravaged her.” The court record does not give her name, nor did she testify. Webster was imprisoned to the end of the war; Wilson served only one month. The other two men were not identified.
In Johnson County, politics and rape were closely connected. John F. Herd, William Fisher, Thomas Estes, and Joseph Phillips (all white) went to the home of Harriet Nelson (also white) and stole clothing, carpets, and blankets, over the protests of Mrs. Nelson. Herd went into the backyard to Amelia Caroline, “colored,” age 13. “He throwed me down and choked me. Then he ravaged my person.” Her story was confirmed by her father, Richard Brown, and by Mrs. Nelson. Only Herd was tried; he was given fifteen years in prison. The following people wrote to Abraham Lincoln on Herd’s behalf: the court clerk, the county treasurer, the assessor, two justices, and a deputy sheriff. Lincoln referred the case to Holt, who ridiculed these appeals, calling the crime “fully proven,” and the sentence “minimal.” Forty-nine of the men of Herd’s old regiment wrote to say that he was a fine young man. A state justice and a major of the Missouri State Militia wrote, denouncing Harriet Nelson as “a rebel and a liar,” claiming that she had called Herd, “a Goddamned Lincolnite and a nigger stealer.” None of the correspondence mentioned the raped girl.
Forty-seven-year old William Hensley, of Cedar County, was not a Union man. He refused to enlist in the Union Army and refused to take the oath of allegiance. He approached 39-year old Mary Brown, whose husband was in the Union Army, and threatened her with violence unless she submitted to his “carnal solicitations and desires.” He was imprisoned at hard labor to the end of the war.
Henry Fairbrother, 2nd Missouri Militia Cavalry, was accused of raping a Mrs. Harper in her home at Bloomfield. She told the court that a man broke down her door and got on her bed. When she cried out, he choked her. She was holding a baby. Her assailant ordered her 11-year old child to take the baby, and then completed “connexion” with Mrs. Harper. There was no light in the house. Fairbrother was acquitted because of a lack of visual identification.
At Ironton, Thomas Finnell, 17th Illinois Cavalry, was charged with the attempted rape of Margaret Bradshaw, widow, age 26. She was at home after dark, with a neighbor Martha Willis. Finnell, drunk, came in and demanded beer. The women sent him away. He returned a few minutes later, broke down the door, threw Mrs. Bradshaw on the bed, put his knee on her breast, and choked her until she partially lost consciousness. Mrs. Willis summoned the guard, who took Finnell away. The court gave him a year at hard labor.
John Estes was an 18-year-old farmer in Clay County near Holmes Creek. He had been a member of Company G, 25th Missouri, but claimed to have been discharged for “ill health.” He was accused of being a guerrilla with “Joe Hart’s men,” and with the rape of Melinda Poage. He was acquitted of the rape charge, based on the document prepared by his counsel and signed with Estes’ “X.” “I have known Melinda Poage for five years. Her reputation for chastity is bad. I have known her carnally four or five times. The first time was in a tent at Camp Liberty, in the daytime. I gave her a dollar and a half. It was a fair and legitimate transaction.” The couple met another time at Hamill’s on the Missouri River and, more recently, when they met on the road. “She acceded to a proposition to go into the woods . . . and for the sum of one dollar have intercourse.” Estes was convicted of being a bushwhacker and given five years at hard labor. His appeal to Andrew Johnson was referred to Holt, who noted Estes’ reputation for being “a bad boy and thievish.” Holt concluded that Estes was “a ruffian” and not deserving of clemency.
Clint, “a colored citizen,” tried to rape 11-year old Ellen Maroney, at Macon, in October 1863. “I was walking up the road. He was hammering a board. He asked me if I would wash a shirt for him. I told him, ‘No.’ He showed me a one dollar greenback. When he saw I was going to tear it up he took it back . . . He asked for some fuck. I told him I did not know what he meant. He said, ‘God damn you, I’ll soon show you!’ He took me by the hair and dragged me down. I commenced to holler and he put his hand over my mouth. He got on top of me. Afterward, I found something like starch on my clothes.” Clint was sentenced to hang and the records were sent to Lincoln, who asked Holt’s opinion. In his report, Holt noted: “. . . bruised, lacerated and terrified, the little victim, when released from the clutch of her assailant, ran weeping to her home . . . An examination of her clothes and her person, made by women and by a physician disclosed all the confirmatory evidence of attempted ravishment . . . An examination of the Negro’s parts by the doctor corroborated the other proof.” The final note in this case reads: “Sentence approved. A. Lincoln April 14, 1864.”
Patrick Bolen, of the 25th Missouri, faced two charges in January 1864: attempting to force carnal intercourse on a colored woman, and habitual drunkenness. His regiment was camped near New Madrid. His intended victim, Nancy, “a contraband woman” who cooked for the drummers, told the court: “He came to my tent with his canteen of whiskey. He wanted me to take a drink. I told him I did not want any. Then he took out some money and wanted me to take it. I told him I would not and then he tried to put it in my hand and I threw it down. He tried to get in my bed, but I threw him out.” Bolen was acquitted of attempted rape, but was convicted of habitual drunkenness. Several witnesses described Bolan’s obsession with alcohol. One statement will suffice: “He is a very good soldier when there is no liquor about, but when he can get liquor he is no soldier at all.” Bolen, with half his head shaved, was drummed out of the army.
There were many gang rapes that took place during the Civil War, by both white and black soldiers. Lowry writes:
McPhersonville (South Carolina) was the scene of an attack by five members of the 104th US Colored Troops: Benjamin Redding, James Grippen, Henry Davis, Gabriel Richardson, and Howard Dixon. At night in late August 1865, a group led by Redding burned the house of Mrs. Mary Heape, beat her son, and raped her young daughter, Euselia. The same group attacked the house of Mrs. Emily Mew, raping her and Mrs. Mary McTier. The men also threatened other citizens with bayonets and stole various household items. Redding and Grippen were both convicted of multiple rapes and were hanged, “in the presence of their regiment,” at Hilton Head in late November 1865. Davis and Richardson were convicted of assisting in the rapes. Both men were put to hard labor until the end of their enlistments and given dishonorable discharges. Dixon was acquitted.
Lowry also documents a gang rape that took place in Florida. Notice the swift justice for the men (who were black):
Three men of the 55th Massachusetts (colored) were tried for a rape committed near Jacksonville on February 17, 1864. Mrs. Sarah Hammond, who lived near Cedar Creek, said, “I screamed and begged for mercy, but they threw me on the ground. One violated me while the other three held me. Then they took turns.” John M. Smith was age 21, with light complexion, born at Old Towne, Maine. Lloyd Spencer was also age 21, born in Delaware and could not read or write. John Cook was 23. All three men were hanged the day after the crime. A fourth man, Wallace Baker, escaped but was later shot for mutiny.
Another took place in North Carolina. Notice that for these white men, there were no executions:
The North Landing River connects the sounds of North Carolina with Hampton Roads and is part of today’s Intracoastal Waterway. Five miles southeast of the US Navy’s Fentress Field is Pungo (Pongo) Bridge, site of the gang rape of Grace Barnes, on April 28, 1864. The six men involved were all members of the 20th New York Cavalry. James Hallion, Nicholas Kane, Edward Pickett, Thomas Hunt, William Cahill, and John Brennan were on the road near the bridge when they met Grace, who was carrying a bundle of laundry. “They asked me to give them a diddle . . . I said no . . . they drived me into the woods and threw me down . . . five of them had connection with me . . . I said, ‘For God’s sake, let me go home’ . . . one of them held a stick over my head . . . the sweat was pouring off me like water. They never let me rise up my head but twice . . . They kept me there for near two hours and a half.” Kane said, “I don’t know if she laid down for all of us . . . but she did for me. I was present when the other four . . . had connexion with her. We did not pay her anything. She prostituted herself willing to all the men. I did hear her beg to be let up.” The prolonged testimony established varying degrees of guilt. Hallion, whose previous crimes included slicing a guard with his saber, beating up a commissary sergeant, and threatening to kill his lieutenant, was sentenced to be shot, a decision reviewed twice by Lincoln. In the end, Ben Butler commuted the penalty to three years in prison. Kane, Pickett, and Brennan received dishonorable discharges and five years in prison. Hunt received only three years, in view of his “extreme youth.” Several witnesses verified that Cahill did not have intercourse with Grace; he was acquitted. Just as the four rapists were buttoning their pants, Sergeant Owen Curren arrived. Grace recalled, “I prayed him, I begged of him, for God’s sake let me go home. I am near about dead. I was standing then and he [Curren] threw me down again, right hard. Then he had connexion with me, but didn’t but one time. He was the last man who had connexion with me. I still can’t hold my water.” Curren also got five years in prison and a dishonorable discharge. A soldier of the 17th Maine noted in his diary that on December 10, 1864, Colonel Edwin R. Biles, 99th Pennsylvania and his adjutant were “perpetrating one of the vilest outrages upon two defenseless women.” According to diarist John W. Haley, the two men offered to burn the women’s house down unless they submitted to “infamous proposals.” Haley noted that private soldiers would be hanged for such a crime, but “Old Byles is an officer.” At the end of the war, Biles was brevetted brigadier general, for “gallant and meritorious service.”
There probably were many more than what Lowry published, considering that many women probably did not come forward to testify against the men who had raped them. Still, many did come forward and testified against their attackers. That leads us into the next section, the silence that more often than not permeates rape culture. Go to the Top
In my Facebook Conversation with Stevenson and Radke-Moss, I asked these questions and made an observation about Eliza Snow’s account of her journey from Diahman to Far West:
When, during the above narrative, was Eliza raped? When she had her “usual” greeting with a militia soldier? DiAhman was about 30 miles north of Hawn’s Mill. This account doesn’t seem to leave much room for a brutal gang rape to have taken place. Especially when Eliza claims that she was having a “jolly time” and that it was almost like a “pleasure party”, with dancing hymns, songs and “merrily passing off the hours”. I just don’t see it.
Stevenson sarcastically replied:
Because women are always very open and transparent about when they’re raped, right? Clearly not, and if we suppose they are, then we’re ignorant indeed. So nothing you’ve presented disproves this [Horne’s] account. But you don’t see it. That’s ok. But don’t mistake that for actual counterevidnence.
Actually, what I presented there in a more limited way, and above in this Essay is counter evidence. I think it is compelling counter evidence. I never did claim that women were ALWAYS very open and transparent about when they were raped. This is another of Stevenson’s straw man arguments. Professor Radke-Moss also claimed:
There just seems to be a lot of indignation on this post that Missouri men in the 1830s could not possibly have committed such a crime, just because these sources present some challenges. This was a slave-owning state, for crying out loud. Rape of female slaves across the antebellum South was not only acceptable, it was encouraged, and it was common. It’s not a stretch to think that a culture of masculinity in 1830s Missouri would have been okay with transferring their violent misogyny to a group that they despised. Not a stretch at all.
No one claimed that Missouri men in the 1800’s could not possibly have committed the alleged gang-rape of Eliza Snow. But there was consensus that the source was weak, and that those like John Corrill, who was familiar with events that took place in Far West (he was there), and who investigated the claims had doubts. I have shown why above. Radke-Moss also claimed that I was placing “the burden of proof of this on female victims, who are already silenced in a culture of masculine war, masculine property, masculine ownership of women’s bodies?” Yet, that did not hinder many women from coming forward to testify. Sharon Block wrote that,
A second challenge [in writing her book] has been to show women’s daily experiences with sexual coercion without replicating the gendered divisions of power that erased or minimized women’s role in rape. Despite the public image of rape, early American women actively negotiated the terms of sexual relationships even under the most unequal systems of power; they mediated other women’s claims of assault and tried to shape their stories for all-male juries. Maintaining women’s perspectives while documenting the structural and institutional systems that depended on the silencing of particular forms (and therefore particular victims) of sexual coercion can be difficult. I have been influenced by literary scholars, such as Lynn Higgins and Brenda Silver, who caution that understanding standing rape “involves listening not only to who speaks and in what circumstances, but who does not speak and why.” I have tried to give voice to those who might not have had the words or the opportunities to speak for posterity. Beyond just documenting agency or recovering voices, however, I have argued that these silences were crucial to sustaining the meanings of rape in early America.
Radke-Moss also claims that “Rape of female slaves across the antebellum South was not only acceptable, it was encouraged, and it was common.” This is misleading. Diane Miller Sommerville writes in her book Rape and Race in the Nineteenth Century South that,
A woman of color could charge a white man with rape, provided that white witnesses could corroborate the charge. This requirement may account for why so few women of color brought charges of rape against white men, rather than the oft-repeated assertion that African American females could not be raped in the eyes of the law. If no white witnesses could independently confirm that the offense had occurred and testify to the rape, there was no case. Second, even though the court received “evidence” [in an 1859 trial in Virginia] that the accuser was of mixed race, had given birth to mixed-race children out of wedlock, and had a reputation for cavorting with blacks, the jury nonetheless found the rape charge credible. Not only did the trial continue in light of the new information about the accuser, the jury found the offender guilty of rape.
The man was sentenced to ten years in prison. She then added,
It would be reading too much into the fragmentary sources to say that white men accused of rape were no better off than black men similarly accused. But it is clear that pockets of sympathy in white communities, in the courts, and in executive offices militated in favor of leniency and second chances for both black and white rapists in the Old South. Sometimes support came in a swell, other times in a trickle. The threat running through nearly all the accounts of official rape was a deep suspicion and mistrust of the female accuser.
It is really stretching to claim that wholesale rape of slaves was encouraged and acceptable. If it was, there would have been no laws at all to try those who were accused of committing such acts. There were laws against it, but it was very hard for white men to be convicted by black women because their testimony was not acceptable in court unless they had a white witness. This, of course, was by design. My point here is that even though the deck was stacked against these women, it was not absolute. Eliza Snow was not a black slave. But she still would have had to overcome the shame involved with such a crime, and other numerous problems. This is obvious if one studies the issue. In Eliza’s case, she also had to deal with the injustice of a State that had turned its back on their own citizens, and left legal recourse a dismal undertaking. But all of this should not give silence as a reason the benefit of the doubt.
As Sharon Block wrote:
When I began this project, my most pressing concern was that I would be unable to unearth enough historical evidence. A decade later, I find that material rial related to sexual coercion is virtually unavoidable. I am thrilled that my original fears were unfounded, but the bounty of evidence led to other theoretical and conceptual difficulties. As I tried to reconstruct the many perspectives on rape – individual women’s experiences, community reactions, institutional mandates, courtroom practices, print culture, and mainstream ideologies – I struggled to balance continuity and widely shared beliefs with change over time and regional specificities. By emphasizing the big picture and taking a thematic approach to rape, I have continually run the danger of underplaying local distinctions. To some degree, writing a monograph on a topic that covers thousands of miles and more than a century inevitably faces the problem of dissatisfying some readers with my lack of attention to the particularities of specific regions or time periods.
In many ways, this can be said when writing about the Mormon War and its impact on Mormon women, but begs the question, “Is this account by Alice Horne enough to discount what numerous Historians have written on this subject and the available evidence-that there is just as much likelihood (if not more) that it may not have happened-which I’ve documented above?” I’ll let the readers decide. Go to the Top
“Even in a forced contact such as rape or incest, the injured one is greatly outraged. If she has not cooperated and contributed to the foul deed, she is of course in a more favorable position. There is no condemnation where there is no voluntary participation. It is better to die in defending one’s virtue than to live having lost it without a struggle.” ~Spencer W. Kimball, The Miracle Of Forgiveness, 196
Kimball backed up this instruction to young women with a quote by a previous prophet, David O. McKay:
“President David O. McKay has pleaded: Your virtue is worth more than your life. Please, young folk, preserve your virtue even if you lose your lives.”
This is what the Mormon apostle Spencer Kimball taught, (based on the instruction of the current prophet David O. McKay) that it is better to no cooperate with a rapist and die than to submit without a struggle and live, even if the rapist threatens to kill you if you do.
At Mormon Church owned schools they compel every student to adhere to an “honor code”. On April 16, 2016 KUTV in Provo, Utah reported that,
A BYU Student says that after she was raped and called police to report the crime, she was shocked when an investigator from BYU’s Title IX office emailed her, then told her she might have violated the school’s honor code.
“I felt re-victimized,” she said. Madi Barney said she was troubled that the school’s Title IX investigator didn’t offer her any support when she called. “She only said we need to talk about the honor code. It looks like you violated it,” she said. …
Madi says she was raped by a man she invited into her off-campus apartment in September of 2015. She says she never invited him into her bedroom – where he raped her.
Police documents say the alleged rapist later admitted to Madi, over the phone, that he raped her. The man was charged with rape. The judge said there was enough evidence for his case to go to trial.
Later, Madi learned that a friend of the suspect took the police report to BYU honor code office – that’s how they became aware of the alleged rape. Now she had a criminal trial and an honor code investigation to worry about. “It creates a totally hostile environment. It makes it feel like victims can’t come forward,” said Madi who feels like the school is, in effect, blaming her for her rape.
A week earlier BYU had held a rape awareness conference. This was reported on by Joshua Dunn who wrote on April 8th:
Yesterday (April 7, 2016), Brigham Young University held a rape awareness conference, according to BYU’s own publication, The Daily Universe. The Universe’s reporter seems to have missed the disruption of the conference’s Q&A segment, per this Reddit post:
I was at this event tonight — things got a little heated for a minute because a survivor student brought up honor code…(because she had been through them twice for sexual assault) and directly addressed the title IX coordinator, who stood up and responded that they do not apologize for abiding by an honor code so integral to BYU.
BYU is the Mormon church’s private university, located in Provo, Utah. Like other religious schools, BYU has an honor code that requires all its students to live by the Mormon Church’s moral standards. Students are punished for having sex, being in someone of the opposite gender’s bedroom, and having beards. According to other Reddit users commenting on the same post, being raped and then subsequently punished isn’t that unusual at the school:
My sister was raped at BYU in 2002. She turned him in with help from her roommates (who witnessed her screams in her bedroom)…she was interrogated and then was put on probation for a semester and given a referral to get some help with her “issues”…and was put on anti-depressants while he continued to walk around campus like nothing happened. Oh, and then he left on his mission to Argentina.
I sadly also know a former BYU student who was raped and then kicked out of school. She was only a semester or two away from graduating. She had to fight like crazy to get back in to graduate. Pretty messed up.
BYU’s Honor Code takes victim blaming to a whole new level. Other users in the above thread state that they and friends never reported their rapes because they were breaking the honor code. One, for example, was in a man’s room before being raped. Another told friends not to report because she was breaking curfew.
But even for those who decide to report and aren’t expelled or punished by the Honor Code Office, their rape kits might never get tested. According to multiple news sources, “62 percent of rape kits in Utah…were not submitted for analysis and remained in police custody, or were destroyed before ever being submitted.”
Concerning rape kits in Utah being processed, BYU News reports that,
Two years ago, in a well-publicized study, BYU nursing professor Julie Valentine looked at 270 rape cases in Salt Lake County that took place between 2003 and 2011. She found just six percent of those cases led to prosecution. …
A major reason for the startlingly low prosecution rate in the past has been the backlog of sexual assault kits, often referred to as rape kits, which law enforcement collects when working with a victim and includes DNA evidence.
In a press conference at BYU on April 7, the results of Valentine’s study were released, looking at the processing of 1874 sexual assault kits in seven Utah counties between 2010 and 2013. This is the most comprehensive study ever conducted on sexual assault kits in Utah.
- Within a year of the assaults that took place, only 22.8 percent of the sexual assault kits were submitted by law enforcement to the state crime laboratory for analysis.
- An additional 15.4 percent were submitted in late 2014 through 2015, following community and media pressure for law enforcement to submit kits in storage.
- A total of 62 percent of SAKs were found not submitted, and they either remain in law enforcement custody, have recently been submitted or have been destroyed.
“Utah has had higher rates of rape than the national average since 1991 as tracked in the FBI Uniform Crime Reports,” Valentine said. “This study raises concerns that the low criminal justice system response to rape in Utah has failed to identify and prosecute rapists. Multiple studies have found that some rapists identified through DNA analysis of sexual assault kits are serial rapists. If sexual assault kits are not submitted for analysis, serial rapists cannot be identified, resulting in concerns over public safety in Utah for the violent crime of rape.”
… Studies of similar methodology in other areas of the United States have found sexual assault kit submission rates of approximately 60 percent, a major difference from Valentine’s finding of 22.8 percent in Utah.
Valentine’s report also found that,
SAKs not submitted by law enforcement to the state crime laboratory for analysis indicates justice denied for victims of rape. The findings represent an inequity of justice, as there is great variability between SAK submission rates within the study sites. For example, in adjacent counties (Site B and C) the SAK submission rate within a year of assault for Site B was 4.1%, while Site C was 37.5%; submission rate from Site C is almost ten times the submission rate from Site B.This extreme variability of SAK submission rates suggests that subjectivity and bias within law enforcement agencies largely determines if SAKs are submitted or not. 
But for Utah overall, the numbers were abysmal. Consider this report from 2004:
PROVO, Utah (AP) — Police are investigating a 17-year-old girl’s allegations that she was gang-raped by men who may have been Brigham Young University football players. A police affidavit for a search warrant said the incident was at the University Villa Apartments, which is approved by BYU for student housing. An apartment manager said four apartments in the complex were for football players.
According to the affidavit, the girl told officers she met several men at a mall and was invited to their apartment, Salt Lake television station KUTV said. She called her cousin who went to the apartment with her. The girl said that after the men started watching pornography, her cousin became upset and left the apartment with one man. The girl told police she drank vodka with the men in the apartment, got sick and went into a room to lie down. She said she fell asleep, or passed out, and when she woke up there were several naked men in the room and one was having sex with her. She said that over the next 20 or 30 minutes at least three or four men had sex with her. She said she persuaded one of the men to take her to a house to again meet up with her cousin.
City spokesman Michael Mower said only that the matter remains under investigation. BYU spokesman Michael Smart said the allegation “has our full attention. The university has and will be fully cooperative with the Provo police.” Asked if the university was making its own investigation, he said, “Certainly there will be an honor code review. At this point we’re still receiving information.”
Deputy Utah County Attorney Craig Johnson brought charges against the woman’s alleged attacker and said he implored school officials to consider that their Honor Code investigation of her conduct would further victimize her. He asked them to postpone their investigation until the conclusion of the trial, originally planned for next month.
He said they declined, and have barred the student from registering for future classes until she complies with the school’s investigation.
That could make it difficult for her to stay in Utah and participate in the rape case, Johnson said.
“When we have a victim that is going to be revictimized any time she talks about the rape — it’s unfortunate that BYU is holding her schooling hostage until she comes to meet with them,” Johnson said. “And we, as prosecutors, prefer she doesn’t meet with them.”
The Honor Code probe began after a Utah County sheriff’s deputy, a friend of the accused attacker, gave BYU a copy of the police case file. Johnson said he has stressed to school officials that the file is “paperwork that lawfully they shouldn’t have.”
Prosecutors charged the rape defendant and the deputy with retaliating against a witness, but the cases have since been dismissed.
Sophomore Briana Garrido who helped organize the rape awareness meeting at BYU reported that,
“…she knows of a case where a victim who reported sexual assault was also contacted by the Honor Code Office.
“She received a phone call, according to her, where the question was, not how are you doing, how can we help, but we’ve heard that you’ve broken the honor code and we need to talk with you. And that’s very difficult for a survivor of sexual assault,” Garrido said.
A spokesperson from BYU responded with this statement: “A Title IX investigation at BYU is independent and separate of the honor code process. Furthermore, the victim of a sexual assault is not going to be referred to the Honor Code Office for being a victim of sexual assault.”
The problem is that a rapist can take advantage of the honor code by pressuring the victim not to report the rape or she might be subjected to her own honor code violations. If a rapist simply gets a victim to violate any part of the honor code, he can use this as leverage against his victim to keep silent.
In another article it was reported that a,
19 year old student was raped in Provo, Utah, home of the LDS Church-owned Brigham Young University, the cultural epicenter of Mormonism. Edwin Randolph, a sheriff’s deputy and BYU alum, took the woman’s file — illegally but with the encouragement of a former Honor Code Office employee — to the school’s Honor Code Office, the disciplinary department which enforces the code of conduct, to investigate her behavior at the time of the assault. Damningly, Randolph is friends with the accused rapist.
The victim is a student from out of state, as many BYU students are. If she ends up being dismissed from the university, she will leave Provo, an eventuality which will impede the district attorney’s investigation. The DA has asked BYU’s Honor Code Office to suspend their investigation of the victim, and the Honor Code Office has refused. “When we have a victim that is going to be revictimized any time she talks about the rape — it’s unfortunate that BYU is holding her schooling hostage until she comes to meet with them,” Deputy Utah County Attorney Craig Johnson said. “And we, as prosecutors, prefer she doesn’t meet with them.”
Randalf also publicly commented about the victim, saying that “I’m not here to judge her, but I think, she’s in school here and she’s screwing around.” This blaming the victim game is not new to BYU. Phoenix Tso writes in her 2004 article, “For College-Age Mormons, Sexual Violence Is A Religious Problem“:
I spoke to over a dozen former and current BYU students and professors for this story, including representatives from BYU’s Young Mormon Feminists group, as well as five sexual assault survivors. Everybody had or had heard stories similar to Sarah’s: the abuse would start small, with “lustful thoughts” they were blamed for inspiring. It would escalate over a long period of time, with their boyfriends trying to pressure them into sexual activity, culminate with coercive or forced sexual contact, and conclude with the men blaming their victims. The women would seek the counsel of church elders, who taught them that what happened was their fault. This pattern was remarkably consistent in the women interviewed, whether they discussed something from over a decade ago, or just a few years ago.
In a stunning reversal, BYU has claimed that it indeed does investigate students for reporting a sexual assault and refer victims to its Honor Code Office. As reported by the Salt Lake Tribune:
After emphasizing for days that it does not investigate students solely for reporting a sexual assault, Brigham Young University on Monday said it does sometimes refer victims to its Honor Code Office for review — a policy it is now re-evaluating.
Student Madi Barney and others have demanded that BYU change its approach, which they say revictimizes those who come forward to report that they’ve been sexually assaulted.
In response to that criticism, which drew national attention, BYU said Monday that it will study “potential structural changes” in how it handles allegations of sexual violence.
And just a few days ago the Deseret News reported that,
PROVO — Eighty protesters, including a handful of BYU students, held a rare rally on the edge of campus at noon Wednesday to call for honor code amnesty for victims of sexual assault.
After the rally, the group walked to the university’s administration building to deliver a petition with more than 90,000 signatures. The university’s academic vice president accepted the petition and said the administration welcomed the input.
Earlier Wednesday, BYU released a video in which President Kevin Worthen said the university can and will do better.
He acknowledged that some students who are victims of sexual assault fear reporting the crimes if an investigation by the Honor Code Office would find evidence of drug or alcohol use by the victim or another violation that could lead to suspension or expulsion.
Today (April 24, 2016), Stephanie Lauretzen writes that:
While BYU’s decision to discipline rape victims for Honor Code violations is horrific, the public reaction towards both BYU and its victims indicate that very little will change. Despite mass outcry, BYU’s decision to protect rapists acts as a microcosm of American rape culture, which silences victims and protects sexual predators. While it’s easy to dismiss BYU as just a particularly misogynistic environment, there is no “just world” for women, especially those who survive sexual assault.
Refusing to postpone or eliminate Honor Code cases for rape survivors seems archaic, but it’s just a form of institutionalized victim-blaming, all the nasty and anti-women rhetoric we see spewed online and in political debates codified under the guise of an “Honor Code.” When BYU’s Title IX Coordinator Sarah Westerberg allegedly claims that BYU “does not apologize” for preventing women from reporting assaults, she implies that if students simply follow the school’s code of conduct, women won’t be raped. But Westerberg is not alone. Americans want to believe that if we control women’s bodies — how they dress, where they go and how they engage socially — we can somehow prevent rape without ever addressing the sexism hiding under the bed. …
In the end, evidence, statistics, and human decency don’t seem to matter in preventing and seeking justice for sexual assault. BYU is no different. BYU is merely reflecting (and benefiting) from a justice system and culture that extends far beyond Provo. Until we abandon our false sense of security and faith in a “just world” that does not exist, all of us, not just BYU, contribute to the victimization of women — and not just those who signed the Honor Code.
Call 800.656.HOPE (4673) to be connected with a trained staff member from a sexual assault service provider in your area. Go to the Top
As we have seen from the historical evidence above, the likelihood that Eliza Snow was gang-raped in Missouri is improbable at best. Multiple historians have documented the lack of credible evidence for rapes during the Mormon War, and although it can’t be ruled out completely, the likelihood that rapes only occurred in outlying areas is high, (I believe that a few probably did occur) and Eliza Snow did not live in any of the outlying settlements, she lived in protected Diahman. There is also no credible evidence that rapes occurred at Far West. There is only one credible account of an attempted sexual assault (maybe a rape) in all of the Missouri documents, (in an outlying settlement) all of the rest of the accounts are extremely problematic, some written decades afterwards.
To answer this with broad arguments like rape was always prevalent in war doesn’t address the specific allegation about Eliza Snow, or that because many were silent about rape that Eliza would have been also. Also, if rape was so prevalent during war, why is there never any mention of Mormons raping Missouri women? They committed murder, arson, theft and other crimes, were they above committing rape?
I have shown that historically, many women did come forward. These kinds of arguments don’t tip the balance one way or another, as much as some would like them to. Though it is possible that Eliza would have been silent about it, one must then have a probable scenario of when and where Eliza could have been gang-raped–which no one has produced.
Instead of being completely silent about this period in her life, Eliza wrote multiple accounts about it, that don’t jibe with her being gang-raped. Claiming that 19th Century culture made it impossible for Eliza to be open about this (as Professor Radke-Moss did) isn’t really a good rebuttal to the actual historical evidence presented here. To arbitrarily pin one kind of behavior on Eliza Snow is simply disingenuous. Eliza Snow may never have written about it because it never happened.
Even though Alice Horne is a credible witness, (she knew Eliza Snow) she may have remembered the story incorrectly. Also, the story does not appear in her autobiography written in 1934, and so if this story was written later, one has to ask why. The apologetic nature of the account may answer this question. She wanted it to be true, and so convinced herself that it was. I haven’t seen any evidence at all that she verified this story at a later time with Snow herself. This is simply an overheard conversation by a young girl who remembered it fifty years later, who supposedly heard this conversation almost fifty years after it happened. We don’t even know who she overheard. In other words, this vague account is not enough to overturn what Eliza herself wrote about that period.
I’m all for rape awareness. I think that it is a good cause and have personal reasons for advocating it. But is this a good way to raise that awareness? When there is more focus on that than there is on the credibility of the source, it only raises questions. Right now, the students and faculty at BYU need all the help they can get. Will advocating the questionable story of Eliza Snow being gang-raped and getting a consolation prize of a polygamous marriage really help? Go to the Top
Many thanks to my friend H. Michael Marquardt for his help with source material, and M. for her feedback.
 Peggy Fletcher Stack’s Salt Lake Tribune article may be found here, Accessed March 20, 2016.
 Professor Radke-Moss assured me (and others) that she has a second source but would not reveal it, even though she was asked repeatedly. Instead, she made a snide comment about how we would receive it: that people would still want to know what she was wearing and if she was drunk. No one who participated in that conversation made such insinuations or comments. (That somehow Eliza Snow deserved what she got or that rape is somehow the victim’s fault, or “persecution wasn’t all that bad”). Where Radke-Moss got these ideas from is baffling. (See Note #5)
 See, “Eliza R. Snow as a Victim of Sexual Violence in the 1838 Missouri War- the Author’s Reflections on a Source”, The Juvenile Instructor, Blog, posted March 7, 2016, Online here, Accessed March 9, 2016. Hereafter, “Radke-Moss, Instructor”.
 I have screenshots of this conversation, which took place on March 7-9, 2016. It was subsequently deleted after Professor Radke-Moss edited many of her earlier comments. My purpose in mentioning this conversation is because it became a catalyst for this article. I was extremely interested in the historical source of the Horne claim, and was looking forward to Professor Radke-Moss enlightening us about it. She did not, despite repeated requests to do so. I also mentioned my concerns about the firm language that had been used in relation to the Tribune article, and how other late sources with the same problems had been used to craft some of the narrative about polygamy, (especially about Emma Smith) but she only responded with a comment, “This is just what I suspected.” I asked her what she suspected, and she ignored my question.
I was actually surprised at how defensive Professor Radke-Moss got about the concerns of those who participated. One example was this comment:
Andrea Radke-Moss[:] I mean, I’m willing to look at the challenges that my source presents, but are you willing to look at what seems to be your own bias toward privileging certain sources over others? Like • Reply • 3 • Yesterday at 3:11pm
Historians often give more credence to contemporary sources than hearsay sources written a hundred years later, so I wasn’t sure why she claimed that this was driven by personal bias. I had admitted more than once that I thought it possible that rapes had taken place during the Mormon War but that in trying to claim it for individual cases, there must be more credible evidence than what was extant (including the Horne recollection). What I was most concerned with, was jumping the gun, so to speak. This has obviously been done, all one has to do is read the Tribune Article and Professor Radke-Moss’ subsequent comments about the source. This is one reason that I’ve chosen to write this Essay, to look at the challenges that all of the sources present, both Alice Horne’s source and all of the other sources extant.
Even so, she did bring up some very good points about rape which I feel need to be shared and will do so later in this essay. I contacted Professor Radke-Moss about my intentions of writing this article and quoting her, but she did not answer my query.
 Radke-Moss, Instructor.
 I know of no other historian that links the practice of polygamy with Mormons supposedly not being able to protect their women from “mob assaults”, “traumas” or sexual violence in Missouri. I discuss other reasons why I consider this a fringe theory later in the Essay. She writes,
The Horne document presented me with evidence of the possibility that Joseph offered, and Eliza accepted, a polygamous marriage as a way of providing spiritual comfort in the absence of earthly justice.
Radke-Moss is simply reading into Horne’s speculations (and that is what they are without any other credible evidence) what she wants to see. Horne wrote:
The prophet heard and had compassion. This Saint, whose lofty ideals, whose person had been crucified, was yet to become the corner of female work. To her, no child could be born and yet she would be a Mother in Israel. One to whom all eyes should turn, to whom all ears would listen to hear her sing (in tongues) the praises of Zion. She was promised honor above all women, save only Emma, but her marriage to the prophet would be only for heaven.
Where is the connection to the absence of earthly justice? Horne writes that the prophet “had compassion” for her. Yes, her “lofty ideals” and person may have been “crucified”, (though this doesn’t seem to be the case if one just reads Eliza’s later accounts) but how does Joseph’s compassion answer any claim to the lack of justice? Also, this account of why they were married doesn’t jibe with Eliza’s own reasons. (Explored below) I am reminded of how what Eliza wrote herself that seems to push this speculation firmly aside. As she was getting ready to leave Missouri behind forever, Eliza had this encounter with a Missouri Militiaman:
The weather was extremely cold, and the morning we bid adieu to our honorably and honestly acquired transitory home, and much property which we were obliged to leave, after assisting what I could, I started before the teams, to warm my feet by walking. While musing on the changing and wonderful vicissitudes of mortal life as I walked quietly and alone, I was interrupted in my meditations by the approach of one of the militia. After the usual salutations of “Good morning,” he said: ”I think this will cure you of your faith.” I looked him in the eye, and, with emphasis, replied, “No, sir, it will take more than this to cure me of my faith.” His countenance dropped, and he said, ” Well, I must confess you are a better soldier than I am.” And we parted. (“Biography and Family Record of Lorenzo Snow: One of the Twelve Apostles of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints”, written and compiled by Eliza R. Snow, 1884, 42-45, Online here, Accessed March 20, 2016, emphasis mine.).
Even after all she experienced in Missouri Eliza was still full of resolve about her faith. This is hardly the picture of a broken woman who felt her ideals had been “crucified”. Also, it seems that if Eliza Snow had been raped and was “damaged goods” she would have initially been more grateful to be Joseph’s wife. But when he asked her, she claims that “the thought was very repugnant to my feelings, and in direct opposition to my educational prepossessions…” (The Women of Mormondom, 295). Again, hardly the reaction of a woman who Alice Horne would later claim was grateful for the “spiritual comfort” of a man who would accept her when others would not.
See also the Isaac Streater Letter that Eliza wrote in February, 1839, referenced below.
Another example of using this tactic are the Hales. Laura Hales has edited a new book called A Reason For Faith, which touts itself as giving “valuable insight and perspective” about “LDS Doctrine and Church History” from “respected LDS scholars.” About polygamy Hales writes,
“The thin historical record complicates reconstructing a true picture of those first plural marriages.”
Notice the loaded language “true picture”. The evidence leads to the truth. Richard Van Wagoner, author of “Mormon Polygamy”, wrote in 1986:
Despite the historical significance of plural marriage in Mormonism, and the fact that many Mormons are descendants of nineteenth-century polygamists, most church members today are often no better informed on their polygamous past than non-Mormons. Rich collections of archival materials and specialized scholarly works are available on the subject, but there has been no comprehensive study of polygamy from its earliest stirrings in the 1830s to its current practice among Mormon Fundamentalists. This revised and expanded edition of my 1986 general history of Mormon polygamy is intended to be a reliable introduction to a complex subject for both Mormons and non-Mormons alike. (Richard S. Van Wagoner, Mormon Polygamy, p.xii).
George D. Smith, author of “Nauvoo Polygamy,” has written,
Nauvoo’s missing wives began to reappear in 1852. Although Orson Pratt’s public announcement of celestial marriage in Salt Lake City did not exactly rewrite Nauvoo’s obscure history, by starting to speak openly, the long suppressed stories of seven-hundred plural wives came to the surface. Now proud and bold, the Salt Lake leaders even encouraged Nauvoo’s migrant families to tell their stories. Diaries, journals, letters, and affidavits would confirm the rumors that had flooded Nauvoo and Illinois farm towns just a few years back. The days of denial were past. The Saints were their own masters. Now was a time of pride, time to tell it all. The process of discovery continued through 1869, when Apostle Joseph F. Smith began to collect affidavits of undocumented marriages, and into 1892 when participants and witnesses testified in the Federal Court Temple Lot case, then in 1904-07 when a U.S. Senate subcommittee probed the political dimensions of polygamy in a series of hearings to consider the election of Utah’s Senator Smoot. When polygamy was outlawed at the end of the nineteenth century, the story went underground, not to resurface again until more than a half century later when researchers began assembling evidence from a variety of sources. The documents they found can be summarized in five categories: personal writings, public records, sworn affidavits, court depositions, and Senate testimony. Since the renaissance in Mormon studies in the 1970s, there have been path-breaking studies that assembled new evidence of polygamy, along with interpretive essays, documentary collections, and narrative histories, all presented to a receptive audience. (Smith, George D., Nauvoo Polygamy: But We Called it Celestial Marriage, Signature Books, Kindle Edition, Locations 9094-9106, emphasis mine).
Of course, this evidence does not support the fringe theories of those like the Hales and Radke-Moss, so they claim that the Historical record is “thin” or that the origins and practice of polygamy are “difficult to pin down.” I disagree.
 Radke-Moss, Instructor. What I thought about when I read this was Eliza Snow’s comment to a Militia Officer as their family was forced from Diahman and making their way to Far West. He told Eliza, “I think this will cure you of your faith.” Eliza’s answer was, “No sir, it will take more than this to destroy my faith.” This was four years before Eliza even heard of polygamy, or celestial marriage. In 1839 just before the Snow Family’s exit from Missouri Eliza wrote to an Esquire Streator:
I now anticipate your question, Do you yet believe Joseph smith is a prophet? I have not seen or heard anything which caus’d me to doubt it even for a moment: if possible I have better testimony that J. Smith is a prophet…
 “Evidence From Zina D. Huntington-Young,” The Saints Herald, Vol. No. October 1, 1898, 29. Consider what was written in the Church approved Essay, Plural Marriage in Kirtland and Nauvoo:
The women who united with Joseph Smith in plural marriage risked reputation and self-respect in being associated with a principle so foreign to their culture and so easily misunderstood by others. “I made a greater sacrifice than to give my life,” said Zina Huntington Jacobs, “for I never anticipated again to be looked upon as an honorable woman.
Church leaders recognized that plural marriages could be particularly difficult for women. Divorce was therefore available to women who were unhappy in their marriages; remarriage was also readily available. (Plural Marriage and Families in Early Utah, Online here, Accessed April 5, 2016).
Yet Brigham Young would charge $10 for a divorce, (About $286 in today’s money which was an exorbitant amount back then) and many plural wives, like Emily Partridge were largely unhappy and lived much of their lives in loneliness and near poverty. I’m baffled at how in too many cases this offered “solace and protection”.
 See my Essay “Brian Hales’ Polygamy: Sylvia Sessions Lyon & The 1869 Utah Affidavits,” Online, here, Accessed April 5, 2016. The relevant text reads:
And the man who leaves his wife and travels to a foreign nation, has his mind overpowered with darkness, and Satan deceives him and flatters him with the graces of the harlot, and before he is aware he is disgraced forever: and greater is the danger for the woman that leaves her husband, and there are several instances where women have left their husbands, and [pg. 2] come to this place,& in a few weeks, or months, they have found themselves new husbands, and they are living in adultery; and we are obliged to cut them off from the church. I presume There are men also that are quilty of the same crime, as we are credibly informed. We are KNOWING to their having taken wives HERE and are CREDIBLY informed that they have wives in England. …
And we also forbid that a woman leave her husband because he is an unbeliever. We also forbid that a man shall leave his wife because she is an unbeliever. If he be a bad man (i. e. the unbeliever) there is a law to remedy that evil. And if she be a bad woman, there is law to remedy that evil. And if the law will divorce them, then they are at liberty; [p. 3] otherwise they are bound as long as they two shall live, and it is not our prerogative to go beyond this; if we do it, it will be at the expense of our reputation. (“Address from the First Presidency”, Millennial Star 3 [November 1842]: 115, The first paragraph of the above address was edited and part of it (The text in red) removed when it was published in the Millennial Star).
 In 1862 Augusta Cobb wrote to Brigham Young claiming that he had warned her away from being alone with Joseph Smith, because she would have been “overcome” by him:
If you had allowed me to have gone up to Nauvoo free and untrameled In my Spiret I should have seen Br Joseph the first thing. But instead of that you exacted a promise of me that I would not see him alone Saying he would certainly over come me I replied if he did he would be the first man. You then Said I had never had to deal with a Prophet of the Lord[.] Now suppose he had over come me And I should by that means have raised up a Son or a King if you please[?] Who would have been the wiser?––––– Not Mrs [Catherine] Lewes Most certainly [who testified about Cobb & Young’s adultery] And I should have been Sealed to him And all would have been right.”) (Augusta Adams Cobb to Brigham Young, February 4, 1862, Courtesy of Connell O’Donovan).
Here Cobb states that being “overcome” by Smith would have produced a child that she claims may have been “a Son or a King”, then she would have been sealed to him and it would have “been right”. She then remonstrates about Catherine Lewis, and then reminds Young that,
…who was it that <came> to Lynn [Massachusetts] and stoped at Mrs Lewes’s and sent for me what transpired after I arived there? You very well know, Altho you may have forgotten, but I have not God for bid that I ever should, After Mrs Lewis Apostatized she went before the Court and gave Oath to all she knew Mr C[obb] got a bill of divorce for adultry by that news, and my name now stands recorded in Boston Court state House as an Adultress (ibid, This part of the letter is Online here, Accessed April 5, 2016.)
Cobb was dissatisfied with Young, and here claims that she committed adultery with Young while he was in Lynn, Massachusetts. According to Young’s diary he was there in August and September of 1843 and took Cobb back with him to Nauvoo along with Sister Sarah Alley, who became the spiritual wife of Joseph B. Nobel:
the next day had a pleasant visit held our conference in New York tund [sic] some [same?] day came to Boston had a good visit at Lima [Lynn] held our conference according to apointment [September 9] staid till September 29 (Brigham Young Diary, August 31, 1843)
staid [in Boston] till September 29 then started home with [b]sister Alley & Cobb[/b] came to New York staid one day came to Pheledelpha (Brigham Young Diary, September 29, 1843).
Augusta Adams Cobb became the 2nd polygamous wife of Brigham Young.
 George J. Adams testified at Augusta Cobb’s trial that she claimed:
“In the fall of 1844 after her return from Nauvoo to Boston, Mrs. Cobb said she loved Brigham Young better than she did Mr. Cobb, and, live or die, she was going to live with him at all hazards. This was in the course of a conversation in which she used extravagant language in favor of Mr. Young and against Mr. Cobb. Mrs. Cobb went out again to Nauvoo, the second time, and lived with Mr. Young, and their living together and their conduct, was the subject of conversation in the society and out of the society. The subject of conversation, to which I have alluded, was that persons had a right to live together in unlawful intercourse, and Mrs. Cobb avowed her belief in this doctrine, and said it was right.
She also said (he claimed), “I never will forsake brother Young, come life or come death. She said that the doctrine taught by Brigham Young was a glorious doctrine; for if she did not love her husband, it gave her a man she did love” . Catherine Lewis also testified that these things were true. (Online here, Accessed April 5, 2016).
 Daniel H. Wells, Letter to Joseph F. Smith, June 25, 1888.
 Radke-Moss, Instructor.
 Eliza R. Snow, “Sketch,” quoted in Maureen Beecher, ThePersonal Writings of Eliza Roxcy Snow, 16. Beecher writes,
The event [marriage] itself could not be mentioned. In proposing marriage to the thirty-eight-year-old spinster, Joseph Smith had placed her in an emotional, spiritual, intellectual, and social bind akin to that put upon the ancient Abraham when he was commanded to sacrifice his son. In accepting Joseph’s proposal, Eliza had to bend to the breaking point her sense of moral accountability, her convictions about the social order, her adherence to biblical injunction, her family values, and her judgment of herself as a righteous, God-loving Christian. (ibid., 50)
 Spencer J. Palmer, “Eliza R. Snow’s “Sketch of My Life”: Reminiscences of One of Joseph Smith’s Plural Wives”, BYU Studies, Vol. 12, Autumn, 1971, 3. Online here, Accessed March 20, 2016. See also, Edward W. Tullidge, The Women of Mormondom, 294-295, Online here, Accessed March 20, 2016.
 These arguments were brought up in the Facebook conversation mentioned above.
 David Lewis, “Private Journal [Autobiography] of David Lewis,” 1.
 Doctrine & Covenants, Section 104: 14-15, emphasis mine.
 Scott H. Faulring, An American Prophet’s Record, 155, March 30, 1836.
 Henry B. Eyring, “Finding Safety In Counsel”, Conference Address, April 1997, Online here, Accessed March 20, 2016.
 A Book of Commandments, 48:59-62.
 On Feb 14th 1831 The Palmyra New York Reflector reported:
[A “Painesville correspondent informs us” that the missionaries in Kirtland] proclaimed that there had been no religion in the world for 1500 years,—that no one had been authorized to preach and teach for that period,—that Joseph Smith had now received a commission from God for that purpose, and that all such as did not submit to his authority would speedily be destroyed. The world (except the New Jerusalem) would come to an end in two or three years. The state of New York would (probably) be sunk: Smith (they affirmed) had seen God frequently and personally—Cowdery and his friends had frequent interviews with angels. … From 1 to 200 (whites) had already been in the water, and showed great zeal in this new religion— many were converted before they saw the book. Smith was continually receiving new revelations, and it would probably take him 1000 years to complete them—commissions and papers were exhibited, said to be signed by Christ himself!!! Cowdery authorized three persons to preach, &c., and descended the Ohio River. The converts are forming “common stock” families, as most pleasing in the sight of God. They pretend to give the “Holy Spirit” and under its operations they fall upon the floor —see visions, &c. Indians followed Cowdery daily, and finally saw him enter the promised land, where he placed a pole in the ground, with a light on its top, to designate the site of the New Jerusalem.(Palmyra Reflector, February 14, 1831).
After receiving a letter from Oliver Cowdery, Smith consulted his peepstone once again and received in March 1831 another “revelation” which instructed church members to gather their “riches” so they could purchase an inheritance that would be designated later:
“For verily I say unto you, that great things await you; Ye hear of wars in foreign lands; but, behold, I say unto you, they are nigh, even at your doors, and not many years hence ye shall hear of wars in your own lands. Wherefore I, the Lord, have said, gather ye out from the eastern lands, assemble ye yourselves together ye elders of my church; go ye forth into the western countries, call upon the inhabitants to repent, and inasmuch as they do repent, build up churches unto me. And with one heart and with one mind, gather up your riches that ye may purchase an inheritance which shall hereafter be appointed unto you. And it shall be called the New Jerusalem, a land of peace, a city of refuge, a place of safety for the saints of the Most High God; And the glory of the Lord shall be there, and the terror of the Lord also shall be there, insomuch that the wicked will not come unto it, and it shall be called Zion. And it shall come to pass among the wicked, that every man that will not take his sword against his neighbor must needs flee unto Zion for safety. And there shall be gathered unto it out of every nation under heaven; and it shall be the only people that shall not be at war one with another. And it shall be said among the wicked: Let us not go up to battle against Zion, for the inhabitants of Zion are terrible; wherefore we cannot stand. And it shall come to pass that the righteous shall be gathered out from among all nations, and shall come to Zion, singing with songs of everlasting joy. And now I say unto you, keep these things from going abroad unto the world until it is expedient in me, that ye may accomplish this work in the eyes of the people, and in the eyes of your enemies, that they may not know your works until ye have accomplished the thing which I have commanded you; That when they shall know it, that they may consider these things. For when the Lord shall appear he shall be terrible unto them, that fear may seize upon them, and they shall stand afar off and tremble. And all nations shall be afraid because of the terror of the Lord, and the power of his might. Even so. Amen. (Book of Commandments, Chapter XLVIII, 56-69, added emphasis).
Thus was revealed the name of the place: that it would be called Zion, or the New Jerusalem, and Smith’s followers were instructed to be ready to flee there, ‘for safety’.
 On February 9th 1831, Smith gave this “revelation” to the Church which would cause major problems in Missouri with the publication of the Book of Commandments (a compilation of Smith’s revelations) two years later:
“For it shall come to pass, that which I spake by the mouths of my prophets shall be fulfilled; for I will consecrate the riches of the Gentiles, unto my people which are of the house of Israel.” (Book of Commandments, Chapter ILIV, 32).
In July of 1831, Missouri is named by Smith as the land consecrated for the gathering of the “Saints” and the place for the City of Zion, where a temple would be built at Independence. It will be purchased by the “saints”, “for an everlasting inheritance.”
“HEARKEN, O ye elders of my church, saith the Lord your God, who have assembled yourselves together, according to my commandments, in this land, which is the land of Missouri, which is the land which I have appointed and consecrated for the gathering of the saints. Wherefore, this is the land of promise, and the place for the city of Zion. And thus saith the Lord your God, if you will receive wisdom here is wisdom. Behold, the place which is now called Independence is the center place; and a spot for the temple is lying westward, upon a lot which is not far from the courthouse.” (Doctrine & Covenants 57:1-3)
Smith later wrote: “Having received, by an heavenly vision, a commandment, in June following, to take my journey to the western boundaries of the State of Missouri, and there designate the very spot which was to be the central spot, for the commencement of the gathering . . . , I arrived in Jackson county Missouri; and, after viewing the country, seeking diligently at the hand of God, he manifested himself unto me, and designated to me and others, the very spot upon which he designed to commence the work of the gathering, and the upbuilding of an holy city, which shoud be called Zion:—Zion because it is to be a place of righteousness.” “To Oliver Cowdery. To the Elders of the Church of Latter Day Saints,” Messenger and Advocate 1, no. 12 (September 1835): 179.
Oliver Cowdery’s account of the dedication ceremony for the place where the temple was to be built reads in part:
“The day following [3 August 1831] eight Elders viz. Joseph Smith Jr., Oliver Cowdery, Sidney Rigdon, Peter Whitmer, Jr., Frederick G. Williams, Wm. W. Phelps, Martin Harris, and Joseph Coe. assembled together where the temple is to be erected. Sidney Rigdon dedicated the ground where the city is to Stand: and Joseph Smith Jr. laid a stone at the North east corner of the contemplated Temple in the name of the Lord Jesus of Nazareth. After all present had rendered thanks to the great ruler of the universe. Sidney Rigdon pronounced this Spot of ground wholy [sic] dedicated unto the Lord forever: Amen.”
As to the acquisition of this land, Smith includes the option of the ‘shedding of blood’ in a “revelation” he wrote on August 1:
“For behold, verily I say unto you, the Lord willeth that the disciples and the children of men, should open their hearts, even to purchase this whole region of country, as soon as time will permit. Behold here is wisdom; let them do this lest they receive none inheritance, save it be by the shedding of blood.” (BOC 59:52-53. See also, The Book of John Whitmer, chapter 9, page 32. The land and site of the temple was outside the Independence city boundary and at the time of the dedication the property was owned by the state of Missouri. Sidney Rigdon had been instructed previously to “consecrate and dedicate this land, and the spot of the temple” BOC 59:70; D&C 58:57).
Couple this with Smith’s revelation that the riches of the Gentiles belonged to his followers, and one can see why the Missourians were so concerned about the Mormons in Jackson County. On the 13th of August, Smith writes that the faithful will be preserved and rejoice in Missouri, for “I, the Lord, promise the faithful and cannot lie.” (See D&C 62:6).
 Autobiography (1823-1903) Typescript, BYU.
 Joseph Smith, letter, Kirtland, OH, to Lyman Wight, Edward Partridge, John Corrill, Isaac Morley, and others, Clay County, MO, 16 Aug. 1834; handwriting of Frederick G. Williams; in JS Letterbook 1, pp. 84–87; JS Collection, CHL, emphasis mine.
 Scott H. Faulring, An American Prophet’s Record, p.34-35, emphasis mine.
Teachings of the Presidents of the Church: Joseph Smith, “Chapter 15: Establishing the Cause of Zion,” 2011, 182-91, Online here, Accessed March 20, 2016, emphasis mine.
 John Corrill, A Brief History of the Church of Christ of Latter Day Saints, 21.
 ibid., 27. Even Parley P. Pratt accused Joseph Smith of crimes in Ohio. He wrote on May 23, 1837:
 ibid., 27-28.
 ibid., 28-29, emphasis mine. The incursions by the “Saints” into the surrounding counties around Caldwell were not threatening to the Missouri settlers because there were not large groups of Mormons settling into those counties at that time. Even though the settlers and the Mormons had agreed that Caldwell would be the Mormons county, the Presidency under Whitmer were not pushing Mormons into those other counties. This would change when Joseph fled Kirtland in January of 1837 and directed thousands of “Saints” (many who followed him to Missouri) to settle in Caldwell and the surrounding counties.
 Reed Peck Manuscript, 22-26, emphasis mine.
 Oration Delivered by Mr. S. Rigdon on the 4th of July 1838 (Far West: Journal Office, 1838), LDS Historical Department, Salt Lake City, 12, Online here, Accessed March 20, 2016.
 Kinney, Brandon G. (2011-08-18). The Mormon War: Zion and the Missouri Extermination Order of 1838, Westholme Publishing, Kindle Edition, Locations 1404-1415.
 Reed Peck Manuscript, 26-29.
 Faulring, An American Prophet’s Record, 198, July 27, 1838.
 Reed Peck Manuscript, 46-51. In December of 1847 there was a council to discuss the son of Mulatto Walker Lewis, (Enoch Lovejoy Lewis) who had married a white woman and had a baby with her. They attended the Lowell, Massachusetts Branch. The recorded minutes included these comments:
bro Appleby relates … Wm. Smith ordained a black man Elder at Lowell & he has married a white girl & they have a child
Prest. Young If they were far away from the Gentiles they wod. [would] all ought to be killed – when they mingle seed it is death to all.
If a black man & white woman come to you & demand baptism can you deny them? the law is their seed shall not be amalgamated
Mulattoes r like mules they cant have children, but if they will be Eunuchs [celibate or castrated] for the Kingdom of God Heaven’s sake they may have a place in the Temple
B. Y. The Lamanites r purely of the house of Israel & it is a curse that is to be removed when the fulness of the Gospel comes –
O. H. Has taught that if girls marry the half breeds they r throwing themselves away & becoming as one of them
B. Y. It is wrong for them to do so.
B. Y. The Pottawatamies will not own a man who has the negro blood in him – that is the reason why the Indians disown the negro prophet [Warner McCary].(Minutes of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles, December 3, 1847, 6, Miscellaneous Minutes, Brigham Young papers, LDS archives, as quoted in D. Michael Quinn, Origins of Power, p. 478).
It seems that Joseph wasn’t the only one who would kill someone if they got them alone or far away from the Gentiles.
 Dinger, John S. (2013-11-26). The Nauvoo City and High Council Minutes, Signature Books, Kindle Edition, Locations 6357-6364, emphasis mine.
 Alexander Baugh, A Call to Arms: The 1838 Mormon Defense of Northern Missouri, Dissertation, 1996, BYU, 79.
 Rollin J. Britton, Early Days on the Grand River, Columbia: Missouri State Historical Society, 1920, 8.
 RLDS History, 3:56.
 Kinney, op. cited, Location 1473.
 Stephen C. LeSueur, The 1838 Mormon War in Missouri, 61, quoting John D. Lee and Levi Stewart’s account in Journal History, 6 August, 1838. See also, John D. Lee, Mormonism Unveiled; or, The life and confessions of the late Mormon bishop, John D. Lee, Bryan, Brand & Company, St. Louis, 1877, 56-60, online here, Accessed March 20, 2016.
 Britton, op. cited, 9.
 Reed Peck Manuscript, 62-65.
 Robinson, “Scriptory Book,” in Dean Jessee, Papers of Joseph Smith 2, 268. Online here, Accessed March 20, 2016.
 Kinney, op. cited. He writes,
[Joseph] Smith and his armed men rode to the home of Daviess County judge Adam Black. Elected to the county bench in the August 6 election, Black was already a justice of the peace, which allowed him the authority to hear disputes and issue warrants within Daviess County. Black was rumored, along with Colonel William Penniston, to harbor anti-Mormon sentiment. In order to stop the violence, Smith would proceed directly to the source of authority in order to extract a promise of peace and equal treatment of Mormons in Daviess County.
Smith’s doubt about Black’s neutrality had a basis in fact. Black had sold some land to a Mormon named Vinson Knight. He accepted the down payment but now was reportedly acting in concert with the anti-Mormon faction to have Knight and all the other Mormons run out of the county. If Knight failed to make the payments he would forfeit the sums already paid to the judge. Black would repossess the land and be free to sell it to another buyer. It would be a financial windfall for the official if the Mormons were removed. Rumors surfaced that Black began organizing the anti-Mormon settlers in the county, and that he may also have had a part in the Gallatin election day brawl. Smith decided to confront Black face to face about the rumors.
With armed Mormons surrounding the house, Joseph Smith and his leaders obtained entry into Black’s home. Whether because of the intimidating men surrounding his house or because of actual involvement, Black admitted to the connection. Smith then asked Black to sign an agreement pledging that he would fairly administer justice in Daviess County as the new judge. Black would not sign, and would later report to the governor that upon his refusal, Mormons threatened his life unless he changed his mind. Black persisted in his defiance regarding the Mormon-prepared statement, though he conceded to sign a statement he wrote himself. Black declared, in the document, not to be attached to any mob either present or future. Black concluded by stating that he would not “molest” the Mormons if the Mormons did not “molest” him. The signed statement pacified the Mormons. The next day Smith and the main body of his army returned to Far West.
The majority of Daviess County officials were unaware of Smith’s August 8 visit to the home of Adam Black. Intent on reestablishing the peace between Mormons and non-Mormons, Daviess County dispatched a group of officials to negotiate a way to diffuse the tension. Upon Smith’s return to Far West, the Daviess County delegates were already waiting to broker a peace deal with the Mormons over the Gallatin election brawl. Among the Daviess County group were senator-elect and former judge Joseph Morin, representative-elect John Williams, and James B. Turner, circuit clerk. The Mormon representatives for this meeting were Smith, Wight, Vinson Knight, John Smith, and Reynolds Cahoon. After a couple days of discussion, both sides agreed to live in peace, not withholding wrong-doers from justice.
Back in Daviess County, the Mormon visit to Judge Black’s residence set off a chain reaction. Daviess County militia Colonel William Penniston, a Whig, was sore from losing his bid for state senate to the Democrat candidate Judge Josiah Morin in the August election, the same judge who had earlier warned Smith of the potential for anti-Mormon violence in the county. Penniston realized the Mormons had supported his opponent, and when he got wind of the Mormon intrusion upon Black, two days after the incident he had Ray County Circuit Judge Austin King swear out an affidavit regarding the matter. (Kinney, op. cited, Kindle Locations 1540-1569).
 Baugh, op. cited, 111.
 ibid., 116.
 ibid., 115.
 Kinney, op. cited, Locations 1587-1595. The number of incidents reported by the Mormons of being chased, threatened, and having miraculous escapes (for example, Missourians guns mysteriously clicking instead of firing) are numerous. Most seem exaggerated. The fact is, that there were relatively few deaths during the Mormon War, with the greatest number taking place at Shoal Creek. It is worth noting that it was the Mormon’s rhetoric that first mentioned a “war of extermination” and that the Mormons were the first to resort to butchery (at Crooked River). It is also worth noting that it was the Missourians that first resorted to violence in Jackson County in 1833 and that this figured largely in their (the Mormons) minds as they once again squared off with the Missouri settlers. There were also many instances where nothing happened at all when the Mormons encountered the Missourians. James McBride, a twenty one year old man, who lived near Jacob Hawn’s Mill, wrote:
The 31st day [of October] dawned, and again the rays of the morning sun, kissed the landscape. As yet the extent of the massacre was not known.
Brother Amos having been detailed on the previous day to get wood for families, was on his way to the mill when he was told there had been serious trouble there. His home was about three miles from the mill, and as he was not detailed on guard, was not at the mill at the time of the slaughter.
He went on; and passing the mill a short distance, came to Haun’s house. The first object that met his eye in human form, was the mangled body of my murdered father [Thomas McBride], lying in the door yard. He had been shot with his own gun, after having given it into the mobs possession. Was cut down and badly disfigured with a corn cutter, and left lying in the creek. Some of the women had dragged him from the creek into the door yard and left him there. One of his ears was almost cut from his head–deep gashes were cut in his shoulders; and some of his fingers cut till they would almost drop from his hand.
On further examination it was found that fifteen were murdered, and fifteen wounded–one of whom was a woman, Mary Stedwell, who in trying to escape, was shot through the hand, and fell behind a log. Several bullet holes were found in the log, directly opposite of where she lay. Alma Smith a small boy; and I believe one Merrick were the only wounded children that were yet alive. Of the wounded men, three afterward died. Making eighteen dead in all.
Isaac Laney a young man that was baptized into the church at the same time that I was, was in the black-smith shop, when the mob began to fire on them. His gun stock was shot to pieces in his hands. He then escaped from the shop, ran to the mill, and climbed down one of the mill timbers into the creek. That being the quickest way for him to escape danger. From there he went into the house, where sister Catherine, Mrs. Haun, Mrs. Merril and some other women were. They administered to Isaac, and put him under the floor. He had received eleven bullet marks in his body. I was well acquainted with Isaac Laney, and helped to take care of him until he recovered. He told me that when trying to escape from the mob, the blood gushing from his mouth would almost strangle him. While he was under the floor he said he suffered a great deal for want of water. The women not daring to venture out to get water until they felt sure the mob was entirely gone. Isaac recovered, and lived thirty-five years from the day of the Haun’s Mill Massacre.
A few rods south of the blacksmith shop, was an unfinished well, about eight or twelve feet deep; but no water was in it. This made the sepulchre for the dead. Fifteen murdered persons, including my father, were carried on a board, one at a time, and dropped into that well–by brother Amos McBride, James Dayley and Jacob Myers: the only three able bodied men that were present.
It was now plainly shown that there was no mercy for us. What few men, and boys that were of much age–yet alive–were under necessity of hiding away, to escape danger.
About the first day of November, being tired of lying out in the woods, I concluded to venture a trip to the mill. I was anxious to see the grounds on which the slaughter took place; and learn if possible, the general situation of affairs. Accordingly, with feelings that I can not here describe, I slowly wended my way to the spot. I walked over the grounds, noticing here and there the blood stained earth–and seriously reflecting on our then sorrowful situation. On the outside, the logs of the shop were defaced with bullet marks, and on the inside of the shop, the ground was scarcely visible for blood.
I traced the blood from the dead bodies of those who were carried and buried in the well. I went to the place and stood at the edge of the silent tomb of my beloved father. A silent prayer I offered to God, and turned away.
I went to a house in which a widow woman lived, by name [William] Napier–her husband was a victim of the massacre. She was yet there with her family. She advised me to be careful least the mob might come upon me, and kill me.
Having spent a few minutes at the house, I went into the mill, to look once again through it. While there a noise attracted my attention, and I saw the woman of whom I have just spoken–running and beckoning to me in an affrighted manner. I sprang to the door-way, and saw about thirty rods distant a posse of men, coming in the direction of the mill. I did not feel right in trusting myself in their hands–but rather than let them see me run to escape, I would have died. I therefore walked from the mill to the dam, crossed it, and quietly walked on until I was out of sight. Why they did not fire at me I can not tell.
McBride does not mention any atrocities committed on the Mormons after the massacre, though he does mention that “while Comstock’s Company remained at the mill, they used it to do their grinding. They would shoot down our Cattle and hogs—not caring how much they were needed by the widows and children that had been left to care for themselves.” (p. 17) He also states that “families were cast out of their homes, and the widows and orphans found themselves cast helplessly upon the mercy of the church. Some were without teams, and almost destitute of food and clothing. Thus exposed to the storms of winter, and travel a journey of more than two hundred miles.” (Autobiography of James Mcbride, 1874, 17-18. Online here, Accessed April 5, 2016).
He states that they sold their property and prepared to leave Missouri, but heard that they could get their guns back if they traveled to Richmond and paid a 60 cent fee. He says that they started for Richmond on the 27th of February, 1839 and that having no horses to ride, were compelled to go on foot. McBride wanted to get his father’s gun, the one that it was claimed he was murdered with. He writes:
The first day about one hour before Sun-Set we arrive in Richmond—and after describing our guns, taking the oath, and paying the required fees, we were directed into a room in which was stacked several hundred guns—all of which justly belonged to our People—but of which they had been unwarrantedly deprived. My father’s gun was not to be found by us—but fortunately I got my brother Amos’ gun—James Dayley got his. Having done all we could, we turned our faces in the direction of our company. Having traveled about ten miles on our way, at a late hour we stopped for the night, at the home of brother Pleasant Ewell—who had been a good friend to many of the Saints—and who gave us lodging, supper and breakfast. At an early hour of the morning we were again traveling. After a hard days trip, just before the sun set we came to a place where we were informed our Company had passed about eleven O’clock that day. We were now on the road our company had traveled, which made us anxious to push forward. We had been without eating since early breakfast, so we arranged with the man of the place for our dinners, for which we paid twelve and a half cents each. A few miles ahead, commenced a prairie—through which we would have to travel for about eighteen miles. The country through which we were traveling was a new country, and it was not thought strange there to travel ten or more miles without seeing a house. But with the hope that our company had camped at the edge of the prairie, and we might overtake them, we traveled on. Darkness came upon us, we reached the prairie, but found no one there. The wolves were howling around us in almost every direction. We were indeed tired—but to lie down in the cold, and trust ourselves to the hungry appetites of howling wolves, seemed hopeless, and we still traveled on. Repeatedly I proposed to my traveling companion to stop, but he would not consent to the proposition at that critical time. Slowly we trudged on, ‘till at a late hour—we saw, to our right—and about a mile distant a fire in the timbers. When we got to the place, we gathered wood to keep fire, and there camped for the rest of the night. Before day dawned, the shrill Clarion of the dung-hill cock informed us, we were then but a short distance from a house. We went to the house and got our breakfasts; which were very acceptable to hungry, and weary foot travelers. About Eleven O’clock that day we overtook our company. We had traveled an average of about forty miles each day—And you are left to judge the good feelings we enjoyed, at again joining our friends. After a tedious journey—and a great deal of exposure—from which many died, we arrived in Adams County Illinois. (Autobiography of James Mcbride, 1874, 17-21. Online here, Accessed April 5, 2016. Pleasant Ewell joined the Church in Missouri (about 1835) and was a justice of the peace in Ray County. His history can be found here, Accessed April 5, 2016. James Dayley was born in Ohio and joined the church in 1834. He was a bodyguard to Joseph Smith. He was sent to Shoal Creek to protect the mill on 30th August, 1838. He was married to a daughter of Thomas McBride who was murdered there. Dayley died in 1905. His history can be found here, Accessed April 5, 2016).
Alexander Baugh writes that,
Thomas Mcbride was wounded while attempting to escape from the blacksmith shop. He was later discovered by Jacob S. Rogers who mutilated and then killed him. History of Caldwell and Livingston Counties, 149; Joyce, “The Haun’s Mill Massacre,” 229-30, Willard G. Smith quoted in Alexander L Baugh, “A Rare Account of the Haun’s Mill Massacre: The Reminiscence of Willard Gilbert Smith,” Misouri Mormon Foundation Newsletter 18/19 (summer/fall 1998):2. (Alexander L. Baugh, “Joseph Young’s Affidavit of the Massacre at Haun’s Mill”, BYU Studies 38, No. 1, 199. Online here, Accessed April 5, 2016).
On the burial of the victims in the well, Joseph Young wrote:
…after viewing these corpses, we immediately went to the black smiths shop, where we found nine of our friends 8 of whom were already dead, the other Mr. Cox of Indiana strugling in the agonies of death who expired. We immediately prepared and carried the place of interment. …The place of burying was a vault in the ground formerly intended for a well, into which we threw the bodies of our friends promiscuously. (ibid., 193).
Yet McBride writes that
Fifteen murdered persons, including my father, were carried on a board, one at a time, and dropped into that well—by brother Amos McBride, James Dayley and Jacob Myers: the only three able bodied men that were present. (McBride, p. 14).
After the massacre, Artemisia Myers would later write concerning the Missouri Militia under Comstock and Bogart:
During the time they camped there they [the Missouri Militia] were very civil to the women folks; they chopped wood and brought water for my brother’s folks. They wanted to come in the house and sit around the fire, but mother would not allow them to. (History of Artemisia Sidney Myers Foote, Warren Foote Journal)
Willard Gilbert Smith would later write,
As soon as Alma was well enough that we could plan to leave Missouri, great difficulties presented themselves, one being that our horses had been confiscated by the mob. Finally, I went with Mother to Captain Comstock, leader of the mob, and she demanded the horses, one of which was in the field. He said we might have the animal by paying $5.00 for its feed bill. This Mother could not do as all her money had been stolen by the mob. I admired her courage when she walked out into the field and tying her apron around the horse’s neck, led it home with no further objections. (Alexander L. Baugh: A Rare Account of the Haun’s Mill Massacre, Mormon Historical Studies, Spring/Fall 2007, 168. Online here, Accessed April 5, 2014).
It seems improbable that if Comstock was the evil man that many portrayed (the leader of a lawless mob) that he would even allow this woman to just take her horse back without paying. Why would he? What happened to the Mormons at Shoal Creek was horrendous, but if one carefully reads through the accounts one finds that even though there were further incidents (like the shooting of cattle and hogs) and intimidation (in an effort to collect firearms), there are very few incidents of further violence against the Mormons. McBride was later able to retrieve his firearms and traveled through Missouri without much incident, and many others were helped by the settlers.
 ibid., 1621-1628.
 ibid., 1653-1660.
 ibid., Kinney, 1537-1538. It was Austin A. King who reported to Governor Boggs that:
They [the Mormons] look for a force against them, and are consequently preparing for a seige; building block-houses, &c. They have lately organized themselves into a band of what they call “Danites,” and sworn to support their leading men in all they say or do, right or wrong; and further, to put to instant death those who will betray them. There is another band of twelve, called the “Destructives,” whose duty it is to watch the movements of men and of communities, and to avenge themselves for supposed wrongful movements against them, by privately burning houses, property, and even laying in ashes towns, &c. (The Missouri Watchman, Jefferson City, Mo., Oct. 29, 1838, Online here, Accessed March 20, 2016).
 Kinney, op. cited, Locations 1661-1665.
 Baugh, op. cited, 127.
 Kinney, op. cited, Locations 1666-1674.
 ibid., Locations 1700-1711.
 Alexander Doniphan, letter to Atchison, September 15, 1838, Missouri State Archives—Mormon War.
 The Last Months of Mormonism in Missouri: The Albert Perry Rockwood Journal, Edited by Dean C. Jessee and David J. Whittaker, BYU Studies, Vol. 28, No. 1, (1988), 18. Online here, Accessed March 20, 2016.
 Leland H. Gentry, The Land Question at Adam-ondi-Ahman, BYU Studies, Vol. 26, (Spring, 1986),49. Online here, Accessed March 20, 2016.
 LeSueur, op. cited, 79-84.
 ibid., 84.
 Gen. Atchison to Gov. Boggs, Sept. 20, 1838, Missouri State Archives—Mormon War.
 Gen. Parks to Gov. Boggs, Sept. 25, 1838, Missouri State Archives—Mormon War.
 Kinney, Kindle Locations 1868-1873.
 Atchison, Sept. 20, 1838.
 Kinney, Kindle Locations 1890-1896.
 ibid. Missouri Republican, August 18, 1838, Online here, Accessed March 20, 2016. The document drafted by the Resolution Committee reads:
REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE.
That on the second inst. we acquainted Henry Root (David Thomas being absent) and the other Mormons who have located themselves at De Witt, with the wishes of the citizens of this county, and that they received for answer language of the most insulting character, and were also informed that they (the Mormons) were determined not to leave Carroll county; and that Root said, if the citizens of Carroll county attempted to drive them out of the county, they would apply to the Far West for assistance, and in such case we would have to abide by the consequences.
SAMUEL H. WILLIAMS,
August 7, 1838.
On notice of Doctor William W. Austin, the following named persons were appointed a committee to draft resolutions expressive of the sense of this meeting, to wit: A. C. Blackwell, Charles G, Merrill, James Standley, Hiram Wilcoxen. John Phillips, L. W. Gilbreath, Stephen Smart, George Hardwick, and E. I. Rea; who retired, and after due consideration, reported the following preamble and resolutions:
WHEREAS the people called Mormons about eight years since, located themselves in Jackson county, and for improper and dishonorable conduct were driven from said county by the citizens thereof. And whereas the citizens of Clay county received them as persons whom they believed were persecuted and did, under such impression, aid and protect them until they found by actual experience, that said Mormons were a class of people amongst whom other denominations could not reside with any degree of satisfaction. And whereas it was distinctly understood, and expressly agreed upon by said Mormons and the other citizens of the upper part of the State of Missouri, that they (the said Mormons) might select a tract of country uninhabited, and locate themselves in peace, but they should not intrude upon the citizens of any of the adjoining counties, agreeably to which contract, the Mormons first settled that tract of country now known as Caldwell county, which met with the approbation of the counties adjoining. And whereas said Mormons have broken the covenant so by them made, and are now settling in Carroll county, contrary to the express wishes of the citizens thereof. And whereas said Mormons and their abettors have threatened to assassinate some of our most valuable citizens:
Therefore be it resolved by this meeting, That there be a committee of safety appointed to consist of five persons, to wit: Doctor William W. Austin. Edmund I. Rea, William Freeman, Hiram Wilcoxen, and Abbot Hancock, whose duty it shall be to correspond with the adjoining counties. and make known our distressed situation, and request aid to remove Mormons and abolitionists, and other disorderly persons, out of the limits of Carroll county.
Resolved That the committee of safety be authorized to adopt such measures as to them shall seem most expedient for the safety of the citizens of Carroll county.
Resolved That the committee of safety be, and they are hereby, authorized to raise, by subscriptions or otherwise a sufficient sum of money to defray any expense that may accure in carrying the foregoing resolutions into effect.
Resolved That the citizens of the adjoining counties be, and they are hereby requested to form corresponding committees, and hold themselves in readiness to give assistance if the same should be required.
Resolved That the editors of the public papers within the State be, and they are hereby requested to publish the proceedings of this meeting.
On motion of Hiram Wilcoxen, the foregoing preamble and resolutions were unanimously adopted.
THOMAS MINNIS, President.
T. H. Freeman, Secretary.
 State of Missouri, 26 Congress, 2d Session, Document 189, Showing The Testimony Given Before the Judge of the Fifth Judicial District of the State of Missouri, on the Trial of Joseph Smith, Jr., and others, for High Treason and Other Crimes Against that State, February 15, 1841, p. 6-7, Online here, Accessed March 20, 2016. See also, Autobiography of Ebenezer Robinson, p.147-148.
 Reed Peck Manuscript, 32-34, emphasis mine.
 Kinney, Kindle Locations 1931-1948.
 Jessee & Whittaker, Albert Rockwood Journal, 21.
 Kinney, Kindle Locations 1955-1970.
 ibid., Locations 2004-2016.
 ibid., Locations 2045-2053.
 John Smith Diary, October 14, 1838, CHL.
 History of the Church,Vol. III, 167.
 Kinney, Kindle Locations 2076-2092.
 John Smith Diary, October 15, 1838.
 John Smith Diary, October 16, 1838.
 Eliza R. Snow, “Biography and Family Record of Lorenzo Snow: One of the Twelve Apostles of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints”, written and compiled by Eliza R. Snow, 1884, 42-45, Online here, Accessed March 20, 2016.
 John Snow Diary, October 18, 1838.
 Kinney, op. cited, Kindle Locations 2152-2161.
 D. Michael Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, Signature Books, 1994, 97.
 Affidavit of Thomas B. Marsh, October 24, 1838, Document showing the Testimony Given Before the Judge of the Fifth Judicial District of the State of Missouri, on the Trial of Joseph Smith, Jr., and others, for High Treason and Other Crimes Against that State (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1841), p. 147.
 David R. Atchison to Lilburn Boggs, October 22, 1838.
 Kinney, op. cited, Kindle Locations 2276-2290.
 ibid., Kindle Locations 2341-2355.
 Thomas C. Burch to Lilburn Boggs, October 23, 1838.
 Reed Peck Manuscript, 95-101.
 Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy, 97-99.
 Kinney, op. cited, Kindle Locations 2457-2472.
 Lilburn W. Boggs, Order 44.
 After Boggs was shot, Wilford Woodruff wrote,
Vengance is mine. I will repay saith The Lord. Sunday True information has just reached us that the Noted Governor Boggs of Missouri who By his orders expeled ten thousand Latter Day Saints, Has just Been assassinated in his own house & fallen in his own Blood. Three Ball wer shot through his head two through his Brains & one through his mouth, tongue & throat. Thus this ungodly wretch has fallen in the midst of his iniquity & the vengance of God has overtaken him at last & he has met his Just deserts though by an unknown hand. This information is proclaimed through all the papers & By dispatched messengers & hand Bills through the land. Thus Boggs hath died as a fool dieth & gone to his place to receive the reward of his works. * /* Boggs was shot but did not die but has sinc recove[red] from his wounds./(Wilford Woodruff’s Journal, Vol. 2, 1841–1845, p.176, May 15, 1842)
This is the same kind of rhetoric Brigham Young used when he visited Mountain Meadows after the massacre there. Smith, after being taken into custody and almost returned to Missouri to face charges of treason gave a speech in which he declared,
In speaking of my Journey to Nauvoo I will relate a circumstance. When Mr Cyrus Walker first came to me they said I should not speak to any man & they would shoot any man that should speak to me. An old man came up & said I should have council & said he was not afraid of their pistols & they took me from him, & I had an opportunity to have killed him but I had no temptation to do it to him nor any other man, my worst enemy not even Boggs. In fact he would have more hell to live in the reflection of his past life than to die. My freedom commenced from the time the old man came to me & would talk to me. We came direct from Papa grove to Nauvoo. We got our writ directed to the nearest court having authority to try the case & we came to Nauvoo. (Wilford Woodruff’s Journal, Vol. 2, 1841–1845, p.254, June 30, 1843)
But then in the same speech picked up the violent rhetoric again,
Furthermore if Missouri continues her warfare & continues to Issue her writs against me & this people unlawfully & unjustly as they have done & our rights are trampled upon & they under take to take away my wrights I sware with uplifted hands to Heaven I will spill my Blood in its defence. They shall not take away our rights, & if they dont stop leading me by the nose I will lead them by the nose & if they dont let me alone I will turn up the world. I will make war. (ibid)
Later that year, Smith again spoke of Boggs,
If the people will give ear a moment I will address them, with few words in my own defence as touching my arest. In the first place I will state to these that Can hear me that I never spent more than six months in Missouri except while in prison. While I was there I was at work for the support of my family. I never was a prisioner of war during my stay for I had not made war. I never took a pistol, a gun, or sword & the much that has been said on this subject is false. I have been willing to go before any governor Judge or tribunal whare justice could be done & have the subject investigated. I could not have committee treason in that state while there. I had no controll any whare in temporal things while there but in spiritual. I was driven from that state by force of arms under the exterminating order of Govornor Boggs.
I have never commited treason. The people know vary well I have Been a peaceable Citizen but their has been a great hugh & Cry about Jo Smith Govornor Bogs being shot. No crime can be done but what it is laid to Jo Smith. Here I was again dragged to the United States Court, & was cleared & now it comes again. But as often as God sees fit for me to suffer I am ready. But I am as innocent of these crimes as the Angels in heaven. I am not an enemy to mankind. I am a friend to Mankind. I am not an enemy to Missouri nor any governors or people.
As to the military station I hold & the cause of my holding it is as follows. When we came here the State required us to bear arms & do military duty according to law, & as the Church had just been driven from the State of Missouri & robed of all their property & arms they were poor & destitute of armes: They were liable to be fined for not doing duty when they had not arms to do it with. They Came to me for advice. I advised them to organize themselves into independant companies, & demand arms of the State. This they did. (Wilford Woodruff’s Journal, Vol. 2, 1841–1845, p.258, July 4, 1843)
Too many people in Nauvoo heard Smith prophecy in 1842 that Boggs would be dead in a year. The crux of Smith’s defense was that he “had no control of temporal things”. But this is a lie. Michael Quinn writes,
By the time of the 1833 revelation on theocracy, Smith was already establishing an authoritarian system of priesthood that he intended to be monolithic. In his dictated revelations of the 1830s the voice of God commanded Mormons to be one in all things and to make their decisions unanimously (D&C 101:50, 102:3, 104:21, 107:27). Thus Mormons were supposed to view any factionalism in spiritual or temporal matters as contrary to God’s will. In a manner left unclear in Smith’s revelations, these contradictory prerogatives were supposed to mesh with the republicanism of the U.S. Constitution.
A decade later the church would begin implementing this theocracy as a city-state in Illinois. In the American West Mormonism would dominate the social order of millions of square miles. But the Mormon hierarchy was already influencing political events in the Mormon commonwealth at Kirtland, Ohio. The communitarian practices and doctrine of gathering to a common place gave Mormons increasing political importance in the voting districts where they resided. (D. Michael Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, p.86)
Smith wrote for the Times and seasons in July of 1842:
“It has been the design of Jehovah, from the commencement of the world, and is his purpose now, to regulate the affairs of the world in his own time; to stand as head of the universe, and take the reins of government into his own hand,” the editorial began. The prophet observed that Moses and Aaron “taught the people in both civil and ecclesiastical affairs; they were both one; there was no distinction; so will it be when the purposes of God shall be accomplished.” He added that “the government was a theocracy, they had God to make their laws, and men chosen by Him to administer them.”
Smith wrote the editorial three months after he received a revelation outlining the political Kingdom of God. The full content of his revelation of 7 April 1842 is presently unknown, but it [p.112] provided the name for a future theocratic organization: “Verily thus saith the Lord. This is the name by which you shall be called—The Kingdom of God and His Laws, with Keys and power thereof, and judgment in the hands of his servants, Ahman Christ.” A few months later Smith preached, “I have the whole plan of the kingdom before me, and no other person has.”
In tandem with this revelation on formal laws, Smith also wrote an explanation of his theocratic ethics. To justify his polygamous proposal to the nineteen-year-old daughter of counselor Sidney Rigdon, Smith wrote this letter within a few days of his 7 April revelation on theocracy:
That which is wrong under one circumstance, may be and often is, right under another. God said thou shalt not kill,—at another time he said thou shalt utterly destroy. This is the principle on which the government of heaven is conducted—by revelation adapted to the circumstances in which the children of the kingdom are placed. Whatever God requires is right, no matter what it is, although we may not see the reason thereof till long after the events transpire. If we seek first the kingdom of God, all good things will be added… even things which may be considered abominable to all who do not understand the order of heaven…
This was the first written statement of Smith’s theocratic ethics, a doctrine he had originally announced when performing the illegal marriage ceremony in Kirtland nearly seven years earlier. (D. Michael Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, p.111-112)
Sidney Rigdon confirmed this doctrine on April 5, 1844:
“When God sets up a system of salvation, he sets up a system of government; when I speak of a government I mean what I say; I mean a government that shall rule over temporal and spiritual affairs.”
Then Rigdon revealed to thousands of Mormons that the purpose of Mormon’s theocratic “system of government” was to set aside at will the laws of the United States and of all other secular governments:
A man is not an honorable man if he is not above all law, and above government….The law of God is far more righteous than the laws of the land; the laws of God are far above the laws of the land. The kingdom of God does not interfere with the laws of the land, but keeps itself by its own laws. (Times and Seasons 5 (1 May 1844): 524, also printed with punctuation changes in History of the Church, 6: 292. D. Michael Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, p.123)
Until the hierarchy began to reveal the extent of the theocracy, Latter-day Saints had no reason to conclude that they were participating in an alternative to the present forms of [p.124] American government. Increasingly in the spring of 1844 Smith let it be publicly known that such an alternative was in the making.
Two days after this general conference Smith became Mormonism’s theocratic king. The kingdom’s clerk William Clayton wrote that during the 11 April 1844 meeting “was prest. Joseph chosen as our Prophet, Priest and King by Hosannas.” Clayton did not describe what happened immediately after this secret sustaining vote by the Council of Fifty. Although he had participated, William Marks never referred to the sustaining vote on 11 April but later stated that the Council of Fifty performed an ordinance “in which Joseph suffered himself to be ordained a king, to reign over the house of Israel forever.”
Some have been uncomfortable with the assertion that Smith became a king. They have claimed that Marks and other critics either confused or misrepresented Smith’s reception of the strictly religious ceremony of the second anointing as “king and priest.” As already noted, the prophet taught that the second anointing had theocratic meaning, but he received that ordinance nearly six months before Clayton’s entry for 11 April. What occurred that day was clearly something different from the second anointing ordinance for a heavenly “King and Priest.”
In fact a later revelation to the Council of Fifty affirmed that God called Smith “to be a Prophet, Seer and Revelator to my Church and Kingdom; and to be a King and Ruler over Israel.” In detailed minutes of this same ceremony years later, the Council of Fifty’s standing chairman, John Taylor, was “anointed & set apart as a King, Priest and Ruler over Israel on the Earth.”105 As Mormonism’s theocratic sovereign Smith gave the revelation of August 1833 its most radical expression. In a veiled reference to Smith’s kingship, Apostles Lyman Wight and Heber C. Kimball wrote in 1844 that “you are already President Pro tem of the world.”
Three days after receiving theocratic kingship, Smith informed the non-Mormon press of his new political order.
As the “world is governed too much,” and there is not a nation or dynasty, now occupying the earth, which acknowledges Almighty God as their lawgiver, and as “crowns won by blood, by blood must be maintained,” I go emphatically, virtuously, and humanely for a THEO-DEMOCRACY, where God and the people hold the power to conduct the affairs of men in righteousness, and where liberty, [p.125] free trade, and sailor’s rights, and the protection of life and property shall be maintained inviolate for the benefit of ALL. (D. Michael Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, p.124).
This type of thinking had been going on in Missouri, and was manifested in Smith’s Danites.
 Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy, 99.
 ibid., 99-100.
 Richard Bushman, Rough Stone Rolling, 367.
 John Corrill, A Brief History of the Church of Christ of Latter Day Saints, p.42-43.
 Kinney writes,
Conditions improved immensely after Clark’s arrival on the scene. A guard was placed around the town both to protect the Mormons from citizens and to keep all fugitives contained. When he learned of the food shortages, Clark shared militia rations to ensure that none of the Mormons starved. He made all the troops treat the prisoners with respect, and no atrocities were committed against the captive population. Clark even went as far as to modify the terms of the peace accord after he saw the dreadful state of the prisoners. First, the Mormons could remain in Missouri until a convenient time in the spring, but that under no circumstances could they put down a crop. Second, due to the extended time the Mormons were allowed to stay in their homes, the militia would no longer be able to provide an armed escort for their exodus but the state would guarantee their safety. Finally, the Mormons would receive back their arms when they left Missouri, but not a moment before. Despite the concessions he gave them this advice, “You have brought these difficulties upon yourselves by being disaffected and not being subject to rule—. . . become as the other citizens, lest by recurrence of these events you bring upon yourselves irretrievable ruin.” Clark’s efforts appeared to succeed. When the legislature later took up its investigation, several Mormons reported the fair treatment they received while in the custody of Clark and his (Kinney, op. cited above, Kindle Locations 2736-2746).
 Reed Peck wrote that,
On the day following [October 30] John Corrill and myself were dispatched by the presidency to see Genl Doniphan <with instructions to> and “beg like a dog for peace” but the army by a circuitous route marched to Far West while we were hunting their encampment and when we rode in at Sun Set we beheld them draw up a half mile from the line of the town A great part of the Mormons were formed in the Edge to the town fronting the militia, but others of them were going about with blank faces inquiring what should be done As soon as I alighted from my horse which I had rode hard I ran down to the Mormon lines and told Joseph Smith if he had any message to send Genl Doniphan I would carry it He expressed a wish for a compromise and got down from his horse to let me ride I mounted but not until I asked him if it was consecrated property as I did not think it safe to ride a borrowed horse where I might possibly meet the owner By the time I left the Mormons the militia had retired from line and were building camp fires and when I rode up to the campsite I was informed that the Genl would receive no communications that night I observed to the person addressing me that I [particularly] wished to See Genl Doniphan and if he would take my name on he would confer a special favor which he did reluctantly but soon returned and conducted me to the Genl’s tent After delivering the message intrusted by Joseph I informed the Genl that there were many individuals among the Mormons who were as warmly opposed to the wicked transactions in Daviess County and the oppressive influence by which the church is led as any man in his army could be and that those men were now compelled to Stand in the Mormon rank where in the event of a battle their blood would flow in defence of measures to which they had ever been adverse Genl Doniphan was apprised of this fact and Swore that nothing should be done to endanger the persons or property of that class He also said that he was determined to have a complete reorganization of Society in the county before he returned and by the suffrages of the people it should be determined whether Caldwell would still be governed by priestcraft and if the party in favor of good order prove to weak he would protect them from the county if they desired it I found that the innocent had no cause to fear unless the Mormons in their blind enthusiasm should provoke the army to an attack which would have undoubtedly ended in an indiscriminate slaughter as there were then 10,000 men under arms against them and 3000 in the confines of Caldwell county wich without a reinforcement would have been Sufficient to subdue 700 Mormons On leaving Genl Doniphan directed that some of the principal men of Far West should meet him the next morning at a certain point between the army and Mormons to see what could be done John Corrill W W Phelps John Gleminson and myself were named by Genl Doniphan and Seymour Brunson and Genl Hinkel were added to the number by Joseph Smith (Reed Peck Manuscript, 103-109, added emphasis).
 Mormon Report to Legislature, Nov. 23, 1838, Missouri State Archives—Mormon War.
 B.H. Roberts writes that,
It will be remembered that William W. Phelps, with Oliver Cowdery and the Whitmers, left the Church in 1835, and was among the most bitter enemies of the Prophet; he was also among those who testified against the Prophet and his fellow prisoners before Judge Austin A. King at Richmond. (See report of Missouri Legislature on Mormon Difficulties. pp. 120-5). He also joined with others in whitewashing the proceedings of General Clark and his troops in their treatment of the citizens of Far West. Following is the document as it appears in the report of the Missouri Legislature (See Note #105 above).
W. W. Phelps was never a “bitter enemy” of Joseph Smith. Nor was John Corrill or the rest of the “dissenters,” though they were opposed to some of Smith’s teachings and actions.
 Stephen C. LeSueur, High Treason and Murder, BYU Studies Vol 26, No. 2 (1986), PDF, 13.
 ibid., 16. Hyrum’s description of Austin King’s control of this case drew the following skeptical comments from Roger Launius:
The Mormon refusal to compromise, first in the Jackson County case and later in others, placed Doniphan in the unenviable position of having to settle a case in which the Mormons would accept nothing less than total victory. As a result they got nothing.
Doniphan left no comments about this case, and Hyrum Smith’s statements about witness intimidation and outright jailing seem so egregious as to be unbelievable, even if irregularities and bias found display. It is more likely that Doniphan and his associates made a tactical decision not to tip the hand of their defense in preliminary hearings … Mounting a hefty defense at this time might even further incriminate his clients … The central question … becomes one of rectifying the Mormon affidavits made afterward with this argument. While there were some instances of abuse at the Richmond proceedings and anti-Mormonism expressed throughout it, the Mormons were writing accounts of the episode after the fact to establish their complete innocence of any wrongdoing. They downplayed or ignored altogether any of their actions that might be incriminating and, in some instances, may have fabricated abuse on the part of the judge and his entourage. (Alexander Doniphan, 21, 68-69, Lavina Smith, Lucy’s Book, 661-662)
It is not a stretch then, that they would also fabricate accounts about gang-rapes.
 Diary of Abraham H. Cannon, Fri. Nov. 16, 1894.
 Albert Rockwood Journal, 25.
 LeSueur, The 1838 Mormon War In Missouri, 235-236
 HC 3:250
 Lucy is mistaken here, William never visited Joseph after he was taken prisoner in Missouri. In March 1839, William wrote to his brothers:
To Joseph Smith, Jun., and Hyrum Smith.
Friday, March 8.—
BROTHERS HYRUM AND JOSEPH:—I should have called down to Liberty to have seen you had it not been for the multiplicity of business that was on my hands; and again, I thought that perhaps the people might think that the “Mormons” would rise up to liberate you; consequently too many going to see you might make it worse for you; but we all long to see you and have you come out of that lonesome place. I hope you will be permitted to come to your families before long. Do not worry about them, for they will be taken care of. All we can do will be done; further than this, we can only wish, hope, desire, and pray for your deliverance.
WILLIAM SMITH. (History of the Church, Vol. 3, p.274, emphasis mine).
According to Lucy herself, it was William who gave his father his own “revelation” or vision: “Father[,] said William[,] I can give you revelation then and he rehearsed the vision which he had related to me…” It is obvious that it should be punctuated this way, (which has William speaking to his father), because right after this Lucy writes that “Mr. Smith (Joseph Smith, Sr.), made answer to this…
 Lucy’s Book, A Critical Edition of Lucy Mack Smith’s Family Memoir, Edited by Lavina Fielding Anderson, Signature Books, 2001, 674-687, Online here, Accessed March 20, 2016.
 Collection of Facts Relative to the Course Taken by Elder Sidney Rigdon, in the States of Ohio, Missouri, Illinois and Pennsylvania. By Jedidiah M. Grant, One of the Quorum of Seventies, Number One. Published by Brown, Bicking & Guilbert, Printers, No. 56 North Third Street, Philadelphia, 1844. Online here, Accessed March 20, 2016.
Grant writes in his preface that,
“After the summer of 1833, you will please consider me a witness, with others, of the course taken by Elder Rigdon, in Ohio. All the circumstances in PART II that I did not witness, have been related to me by those whose words I rely on with the same confidence that I rely on the uniformity of the course of nature.”
Sidney Rigdon was such a convenient scapegoat for just about anything after Joseph Smith was murdered.
 The Women of Mormondom, 142-43.
 “Biography and Family Record of Lorenzo Snow: One of the Twelve Apostles of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints”, written and compiled by Eliza R. Snow, 1884, 41.
 ibid., 28-29.
 Baugh, 207-210.
The Juvenile Instructor Vol. 1, No. 21, November 1, 1866, 82.
 Snow, opt. cited above, 1884, 42-43.
 Brandon Kinney writes,
On November 2 General Lucas relieved the Far West guard with four companies from General Parks’s brigade. The new guard was under the command of Colonel Thompson, who was instructed to wait and take his orders from General Clark once he arrived. Thompson was also ordered to hold the Mormons in Far West to prevent their escape and also to offer them protection. To execute this order one might imagine his forces would surround the town, but no such step was taken and many Mormons who feared reprisal for their acts fled the city. The remainder of General Parks’s brigade was ordered to Adam-ondi-Ahman with instructions to disarm the Mormon forces there. All prisoners and arms taken there were to be directed to General Clark for further instruction. Lucas’s final act was to commandeer the governor’s aide-de-camp, Colonel Wiley Williams, Major Amos Rees, together with Colonel Thomas Burch, to draw up a formal legal document which would summarize the terms of the peace accord.51 With just the details remaining, Lucas prepared to retire to Independence, satisfied with his and his troops’ accomplishments. …
General Wilson reported when he arrived in Adam-ondi-Ahman on November 8 that no militia troops were left in the city. The Mormons were free to come and go, and Wilson feared that most of the wanted men had already escaped. He immediately placed a guard around the town to ensure that no further fugitives were permitted to leave. A census of the Mormon men was then conducted; two hundred men entered their names. Justice Adam Black had taken up residence in the city, and the general took all men suspected of a crime directly to the judge for arraignment. Most of the guilty had escaped during the period when the city was left unguarded, and Wilson did not hold out hope of his presence making much of a difference. The scene around the county was one of devastation. With the exception of Adam-ondi-Ahman all non-Mormon communities had been sacked and burnt to ashes. People were without houses, beds, furniture, or even clothing, all in the face of unusually cold temperatures. (Kinney, op. cited above, Kindle Locations 2685-2693, 2758-2765).
 Eliza R. Snow, op. cited above, 1884, 43.
 Eliza R. Snow, “Little Incidents For Little Readers”, Juvenile Instructor, Vol. 1, No. 22, Nov. 15, 1866, 85.
 Wilson to Clark, Nov. 12, 1838.
 Eliza R. Snow, op. cited above, 1884, 43-44.
 Eliza R. Snow, op. cited above, 1866, 86.
 Eliza R. Snow “Sketch Of My Life” 1885, Relief Society Magazine, April 1944, 207.
 Biography and Family Record of Lorenzo Snow: One of the Twelve Apostles of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, written and compiled by Eliza R. Snow, 1884, Deseret News Company, Salt Lake City, Utah, 42-45, Online here, Accessed April 5, 2015.
 Eliza R. Snow, Letter to Isaac Streator, 22 February 1839, BYU Studies, Vol. 13, No. 4, 1973, 549, 552.
 ibid., 550-51.
 Clarence Merrill was born on May 18, 1841 in Fairfield County, Connecticut. Bathsheba Kate Smith was born on August 14, 1844 in Nauvoo, Illinois. She was the daughter of George Albert Smith (1817-1875) and Bathsheba Wilson Bigler (1822-1918).
 Horne, Autobiography, 179.
 ibid., 177.
 ibid., 163.
 ibid., 167-168. I noticed when reading this passage that it is similar to what Radke-Moss quotes from the later? version of Horne’s autobiography. There is also the curious placement of an asterisk, which may indicate that Horne intended to insert something here or do some kind of rewrite. Was this done at the time of the original draft, or later? The text reads,
I hung on every word and treasured
theevery word thought
^incident^ and action on those occasions. We often visited
Eliza R. Snow and every day would ^*^ find her dropping
in to see us. There came ladies, Zina D. Young, …
“The most important Mormon women of the nineteenth century often gathered at the Smith home abutting the Church Historian’s Office.”
… “sit on her grandmother’s lap and listen, catching . . . the whispered word unraveling, spelling, and signs made by those ladies.”
“There was a saint—a Prophetess, a Poet, an intellectual, seized by brutal mobbers—used by those eight demons and left not dead, but worse. The horror, the anguish, despair, hopelessness of the innocent victim was dwelt upon. [W]hat [sic] future was there for such a one? All the aspirations of a saintly virgin—that maiden of purity—had met martyrdom!”
“The prophet heard and had compassion. This Saint, whose lofty ideals, whose person had been crucified, was yet to become the corner of female work. To her, no child could be born and yet she would be a Mother in Israel. One to whom all eyes should turn, to whom all ears would listen to hear her sing (in tongues) the praises of Zion. She was promised honor above all women, save only Emma, but her marriage to the prophet would be only for heaven.”
It would be much more helpful if we could see these passages in their original context without Radke-Moss’ additional commentary. In the earlier? autobiography Horne writes,
I loved her friends, I used to marvel at their cheerfulness and dignified, lofty bearing and above all their gentleness to both grandmother and her little grandchild, time and again we would kiss each other and I always sat on her lap to read. Some of her dearest friends would come and stay all night. One of
those? visits which fastened itself as strongly in my memory was that of sister ^Elisabeth Ann^ Whitney wife of the first Presiding Bishop of the Church. They related to each other many tales of the Nauvoo days, of Winter Quarters and of their conversion to Mormonism. I, an entranced listener, drank deeply out of this font of early day scenes, colored by the rich experiences, and ^and^ belief of those sainted women. The climax came ^was^ when sister Whitney sang in tongues, in a sweet voice, an in rythm, after which she gave us the interpretation. It was a blessing for Grandma and many promises were made on her head of a ministry among her sisters, her being chosen for high positions and of the joys that would crown ^ all her life ^last^ days her ^even^ the association with her own posterity. I was too,
Lucy Kimball, too would occasionally visit Grandma ^Her remarkable personality would fascinate. Her story of the prophets death would thrill and sadden me. They two^
and they would talk far into the night. After such visits, the glamor of old time thought and memory seemed to fill the house for days where and I would live in a sort of exalted state. If I went away from the house ^ and I came back again. the same sweet spirit would still linger.
 No Man Knows My History, was released in November of 1945. Six months after the publication of her biography of Joseph Smith (June 1, 1946), Fawn Brodie was excommunicated from the Church. About Eliza R. Snow, Brodie writes,
Of the six wives who lived for long periods in the Mansion House, apparently only the thirty-nine-year-old poetess Eliza Snow conceived a child. She as well as Emma, it seems, was pregnant in the spring of 1844. Eliza must have been torn between dread of the consequences and exaltation at the prospect of facing the world the mother of a prophet’s son.
It so happened that her bedroom in the Mansion House was to the left of Joseph’s, Emma’s being on the right. According to tradition in the Snow family, Eliza emerged one morning at the same moment as Joseph, and he caught her to him in a quick embrace. At this instant Emma opened her own door in a sudden terrible rage—for apparently she had trusted Eliza above all other women—seized a broomstick and began beating her. Eliza tried to flee, stumbled, and fell down the full flight of stairs. Still not content, Emma pursued her in a frenzy that Joseph was powerless to stop, and drove her out of the house in her nightdress. By this time the whole Mansion House was awake, young Joseph and Alexander weeping and frightened at their mother’s hysteria and begging her to be kind to the “aunt Eliza” they adored.
Joseph finally calmed his wife and indignantly ordered her to restore Eliza to her room and rights in the household. The fall, it is said, resulted in a miscarriage. After Joseph‘s death Eliza married Brigham Young, but bore him no children. (Brodie 345-46)
Brodie also quotes Wilhelm Wyl’s Mormon Portraits on Eliza Snow:
Eliza became the church’s “elect lady” when “the Lord” became thoroughly incensed with Sister Emma for her contumacy. She is the very prototype of what is called “female roosters” in Zion, always ready to enslave and drag men and women into polygamy. She was one of the first (willing) victims of Joseph in Nauvoo. She used to be much at the prophet’s house and “Sister Emma” treated her as a confidential friend. Very much interested about Joseph’s errands, Emma used to send Eliza after him as a spy. Joseph found it out and, to win over the gifted (!) young poetess, he made her one of his celestial brides. There is scarcely a Mormon unacquainted with the fact that Sister Emma, on the other side, soon found out the little compromise arranged between Joseph and Eliza. Feeling outraged as a wife and betrayed as a friend, Emma is currently reported as having had recourse to a vulgar broomstick as an instrument of revenge; and the harsh treatment received at Emma’s hands is said to have destroyed Eliza’s hopes of becoming the mother of a prophet’s son. (Mormon Portraits, 58).
On page 470 Brodie claims that the above tradition, “was stated to me as a fact by Eliza’s nephew Leroi C. Snow in the Church Historians Office, Salt Lake City.” Alice Horne also supposedly heard her story about Eliza Snow at the Smith home abutting the Church Historians Office, where her grandmother, Bathsheba W. Smith lived.
One argument that is used about Eliza’s apparent inability to have children is that her brother was reported saying that when Eliza married Joseph she was past the child bearing age; yet she was the same age as Emma, who bore her last child (David) after this reported incident. Max Parkin writes that,
Naturally, at the first appearance of the book, Mormon writers deftly accused Mrs. Brodie of shoddy scholarship, alleging that she quoted sources out of context, developed a predetermined thesis, and generally produced a biased, unreliable, non-historical volume. A Church committee made the first refutation in an article in the Church News, May 11, 1946, which was also printed in pamphlet form; the same year Dr. Hugh Nibley entered the controversy with his critique, No Ma’am That’s Not History. Milton R. Hunter denounced the book in The Pacific Historical Review in 1947, and his work was soon followed by Francis W. Kirkham’s refutation in the first volume of A New Witness for Christ in America. None of these, however, seemed to affect the wide acceptance Brodie’s Book enjoyed outside the Church. (Max Parkin, Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, Vol. 03, No. 03, Reviews/142-143).
Nibley wrote about polygamy and Eliza Snow in No Ma’am, That’s Not History:
Next comes the problem of polygamy. “Paul had said that in heaven there would be no marriage or giving in marriage, but Joseph taught that this would not apply to his Saints” (cf. Matthew 22:29—30; Mark 12:25; Luke 20:35). Quite the contrary, it is the literal acceptance of this very doctrine that makes the endowment work on this earth so urgent. It is remarks like the above that betray a complete misunderstanding or willful distortion of the most elementary aspects of Mormonism. They also betray something else: Mrs. Brodie deals lightly with holy writ, for it is not Paul but Jesus to whom the remark is attributed by no fewer than three gospels. To explain the loyalty of sensible women to the institution, Brodie can think of no better line than her old chestnut: the doctrine somehow had great “magnetism.” In her treatment of the subject her sources are extremely weak. In any city in the United States almost any day of the year young women may be found making vivid, full, circumstantial, and sincere accusations against attackers that are found upon investigation to be nothing more than the objects of their own overwrought desires and imaginings. This does not mean that such accusations are necessarily false, but it does mean that they call for corroboration. And what better corroboration than the words of John C. Bennett, whom Brodie willingly condemns as untrustworthy —but only after his words have sunk in.
In the matter of Joseph Smith’s wives, Mrs. Brodie feels free to pick and choose at will: some of the marriages were entirely spiritual, she freely admits—not all—but some. And by pure inference she can tell us just which were and which were not. She never explains why, with his passionate desire for progeny, he had so few children.
Nibley later writes:
Brodie’s Joseph, rioting with his fifty wives, is not the man whose conception of marriage so completely escapes her. Emma Smith and Eliza Snow were not acquainted with the oversexed rake that Mrs. Brodie knows so well.
All of this was prominent news during the last three years of Alice Horne’s life, and may have influenced her to add the gang-rape account to her autobiography. Again, this is speculation by this author, who anxiously awaits further information about the source that Radke-Moss quotes from. (If there is any).
 Juvenile Instructor, March 8, 2016, op. cited above.
 Take this exchange between an audience member and Jill Mulvay Derr, the biographer of Eliza Snow:
Q:And the miscarriage story? Emma, causing miscarriage?
A: (Derr)The problem is, all the people who tell it are 40 years later. ERS never says anything to indicate this. (Jill Mulvay Derr on Eliza Snow (Smith), Times and Seasons Blog, September 18, 2006, Online here, Accessed April 20, 2016).
Derr claims that this story has problems because it didn’t begin to be told until forty years later and Eliza never said anything to indicate it. The same can be said about the gang-rape story. It was told almost 100 years later and Eliza never said anything to indicate that either. Perhaps this is why Derr didn’t reveal more about it and left it as just a family tradition. Why is this argument acceptable for the miscarriage account, but not for the gang-rape story?
 Helen Mar Kimball Whitney, who was pressured into “marrying” Joseph Smith when she was only 14 years old explains on page 7 of a pamphlet she published in 1884 titled “Why we practice Plural Marriage,” that Smith established polygamy and “all who entered into it in righteousness (including herself) have done so for the purpose of “raising up righteous seed”.
Whitney here admits that polygamy is about the mandate to “raise up righteous seed’. In fact, the entire pamphlet is all about this, because Joseph Smith taught that there are many choice spirits waiting to take mortal bodies and this is how the bodies are provided for them by sex and plural marriage. (See Helen Mar Kimball Whitney, “Why We Practice Plural Marriage”, Published at the Juvenile Instructor Office, Salt Lake City, Utah, 1884, 7. Online here, accessed April 20, 2016.
 See Note #53.
 W.W. Phelps to Sally Phelps, September 9, 1835. Online here, Accessed April 5, 2016.
 Journal of Discourses Vol. 13, p.41, emphasis mine.
The Seer, Vol.2, No.1, p.193-p.195.
 The Evening and the Morning Star, Vol.1, No.9, p.65, cf. 2 Esdras, 10:22.
 Times and Seasons, Vol.1, No.3, 47-p.48, Dec. 1839.
 Times and Seasons Vol. 4, No. 17, July 15, 1843.
Times and Seasons, Vol. 5, No.3, 419.
 John Corrill, A Brief History of the Church of Christ of Latter Day Saints, 43 – p.44. For more on Corrill, see note below (#152).
 On December 16, 1839 Joseph Smith wrote to the Church from Liberty Jail in Jackson County:
We ask no favors at the hands of mobs, nor of the world, nor of the devil, nor of his emissaries the dissenters, and those who love, and make, and swear falsehoods, to take away our lives. We have never dissembled, nor will we for the sake of our lives.
Forasmuch, then, as we know that we have been endeavoring with all our mind, might, and strength, to do the will of God, and all things whatsoever He has commanded us; and as to our light speeches, which may have escaped our lips from time to time, they have nothing to do with the fixed purposes of our hearts; therefore it sufficeth us to say, that our souls were vexed from day to day. We refer you to Isaiah, who considers those who make a man an offender for a word, and lay a snare for him that reproveth in the gate. We believe that the old Prophet verily told the truth: and we have no retraction to make. We have reproved in the gate, and men have laid snares for us. We have spoken words, and men have made us offenders. And notwithstanding all this, our minds are not yet darkened, but feel strong in the Lord. But behold the words of the Savior: “If the light which is in you become darkness, behold how great is that darkness.” Look at the dissenters. Again, “If you were of the world the world would love its own.” Look at Mr. Hinkle—a wolf in sheep’s clothing. Look at his brother John Corrill. Look at the beloved brother Reed Peck, who aided him in leading us, as the Savior was led, into the camp of His enemies, as a lamb prepared for the slaughter, as a sheep dumb before his shearers; so we opened not our mouths.
But these men, like Balaam, being greedy for reward, sold us into the hands of those who loved them, for the world loves his own. I would remember William E. McLellin, who comes up to us as one of Job’s comforters. God suffered such kind of beings to afflict Job—but it never entered into their hearts that Job would get out of it all. This poor man who professes to be much of a prophet, has no other dumb ass to ride but David Whitmer, to forbid his madness when he goes up to curse Israel; and this ass not being of the same kind as Balaam’s, therefore, the angel notwithstanding appeared unto him, yet he could not penetrate his understanding sufficiently, but that he brays out cursings instead of blessings. Poor ass! Whoever lives to see it, will see him and his rider perish like those who perished in the gain-saying of Korah, or after the same condemnation. Now as for these and the rest of their company, we will not presume to say that the world loves them; but we presume to say they love the world, and we classify them in the error of Balaam, and in the gain-sayings of Korah, and with the company of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram.
Perhaps our brethren will say, because we thus write, that we are offended at these characters. If we are, it is not for a word, neither because they reproved in the gate—but because they have been the means of shedding innocent blood. Are they not murderers then at heart? …
And now, brethren, we say unto you—what more can we enumerate? Is not all manner of evil of every description spoken of us falsely, yea, we say unto you falsely. We have been misrepresented and misunderstood, and belied, and the purity and integrity and uprightness of our hearts have not been known—and it is through ignorance—yea, the very depths of ignorance is the cause of it; and not only ignorance, but on the part of some, gross wickedness and hypocrisy also; for some, by a long face and sanctimonious prayers, and very pious sermons, had power to lead the minds of the ignorant and unwary, and thereby obtain such influence that when we approached their iniquities the devil gained great advantage—would bring great trouble and sorrow upon our heads;and, in fine, we have waded through an ocean of tribulation and mean abuse, practiced upon us by the ill bred and the ignorant, such as Hinkle, Corrill, Phelps, Avard, Reed Peck, Cleminson, and various others, who are so very ignorant that they cannot appear respectable in any decent and civilized society, and whose eyes are full of adultery, and cannot cease from sin. Such characters as McLellin, John Whitmer, David Whitmer, Oliver Cowdery, and Martin Harris, are too mean to mention; and we had liked to have forgotten them. Marsh and “another,” whose hearts are full of corruption. whose cloak of hypocrisy was not sufficient to shield them or to hold them up in the hour of trouble, who after having escaped the pollutions of the world through the knowledge of their Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, became again entangled and overcome—their latter end is worse than the first. But it has happened unto them according to the word of the Scripture: “The dog has returned to his vomit, and the sow that was washed to her wallowing in the mire.”
Again, if men sin wilfully after they have received the knowledge of the truth, there remaineth no more sacrifice for sin, but a certain fearful looking for of judgment and fiery indignation to come, which shall devour these adversaries. For he who despised Moses’ law died without mercy under two or three witnesses. Of how much more severe punishment suppose ye, shall he be thought worthy, who hath sold his brother, and denied the new and everlasting covenant by which he was sanctified, calling it an unholy thing, and doing despite to the Spirit of grace. (Joseph Smith, History of the Church, Vol. 3, p.227-8, 231-2, emphasis mine).
Interesting that it wasn’t David Whitmer who perished, but Joseph Smith himself. Whitmer lived to be a good old age. George Hinkle wrote to W. W. Phelps on August 14, 1844 that the claims made by Smith were falsehoods:
It has been the theme of many, since I left Missouri, to calumniate and vilify me for the course which I, as the acting colonel of the militia of Caldwell, pursued in the surrender of the citizens of Far West, Caldwell, etc., to the authorities of Missouri. Those vilifiers have stated it, and vociferated its repetition throughout the length and breadth of our happy land, and the newspapers of the day have thrown it upon the wings of the wind, and no doubt it has gone to the Old World, and there been listened to and credited-especially by those of your faith-that I, as a base wretch, after having the confidence of the church, yet in that critical moment of their
perils in Missouri, when they in and of Far West were besieged by between three and four thousand men-the story is, that I, there and then, betrayed ‘the heads of the church’ into the hands of the military authorities of Missouri, and that, too, for a large sum of money. And then, as if they intended to heap disgrace upon me, after insult and injury, they say I turned state’s evidence against them; also that I informed on many of the citizens of Far West and had them arrested and delivered up to the court of inquiry to be punished. And many such like reports have been put in circulation by my enemies to do me injury; all of which, before God, I declare to be as false as Satan himself. Now, sir, you are the man who knows more about it than any other man belonging to your church. You know that you, John Corrill, A. Morrison, and myself, were appointed by Joseph Smith to go and confer with the commanding officers of the Missouri militia, and effect a treaty if possible, on any terms short of a battle. You know that we went and risked our lives with a white flag, when only a few hours previous the bearer of one (Charles Rich) had been fired at on the same field; and we did this to obey the order or request of Joseph .Smith. Our object was (at least I felt so) to prevent the effusion of blood, which we all saw must inevitably take place unless something could be done immediately. Were you not present, sir, at that trying scene when the eyes of our enemies seemed to flash fire when we approached, and I received from the hand of Major General Lucas that unhallowed paper, narrating to us the terms upon which the lives of our families and friends could be saved, viz: “Give up your leaders-your principal men-as hostages to be tried by civil law. Give up all your arms of defense, and all leave the State forthwith.” He also read to us that generous-no, that execrable-order of Governor Boggs, authorizing him to exterminate us, or drive us from the State. Now, sir, I appeal to your candor: Did I, at this critical moment, say to General Lucas, or to any of those with him, “Give me a sum of money [Judas like] and I will comply”? If you answer in the affirmative, then query, Were you and the others of the delegation to go partners with me in such an unhallowed speculation?
What! thus to betray our friends-our brethren-into the hands of their implacable enemies in the hour of their peril-and that, too, for Missouri gold!!!! Or if I did, as has been reported by men high in authority among you, winked at by all, and not contradicted by any-at least so far as I know-did I take the price and snugly lodge it all in my own pocket, without dividing with any of you? You know I did not make that treaty alone. Nay, you well remember that yourself and the others with us, by authority or request of Joseph Smith himself, agreed to the disgraceful terms. We then urged all to submit. But did I not then and there oppose that part of the order requiring us to give up our arms and immediately leave the State, urging that if any had offended by breaking the law, we were willing and even anxious that such should be punished to the extent of justice, or the magnitude of the crime, but to give up our arms and leave the State, would be virtually throwing away our most sacred rites as citizens of a republican state, and that we would as soon give up our lives? Did he not become enraged and say that Joseph Smith, Sidney Rigdon, Lyman Wight, P. P. Pratt, and G. W. Robinson must be given up, and no other terms would do? Did he not give us half an hour to consult our friends? When the facts were laid before Joseph, did he not say, “I will go”; and did not the others go with him, and that, too, voluntarily, so far as you and I were concerned?
My understanding was that those men were to be taken and kept till next morning as hostages; and if they did not, upon reflection and consultation with the officers in the camp of the enemy, during the night, conclude to accept of the terms proposed to us, but choose to fight, then they were to be kept safely, and returned to us in the city next morning, unharmed, and time given us to prepare for an attack by the militia. During this whole interview and transaction, were not thousands of troops drawn up near the city, ready to fall upon us, provided those demanded as hostages refused to go? And when Smith and the others had given up, without any compulsory measures from us, did not General Lucas demand our arms, but on reflection agree to let us retain them till next day, inasmuch as it was then about sunset? Were we not advised next day, by word sent expressly from Joseph Smith to us, to surrender? When that intelligence was received, did I not draw up the forces under my command, and explain to them the nature of the whole affair, and then request all who were in favor of surrendering, to make it known by marching three paces forward? They made a very slow start, but finally all came forward. We then marched out with slow and solemn step into a partial hollow square of the enemy, faced inward, grounded arms, and marched away and left them. The town was laid under martial law and guarded. Then the authorities commenced taking others as prisoners, and kept them under guard to be tried, as they said, by civil law. No man ever knew me to complain of, or inform on any one. Uniformly when questioned by those seeking victims, 1 told them that all I knew to be guilty of breaking the law had fled from the city the night before the surrender. When the court of inquiry held its session in Richmond, I did not turn state’s evidence, but was legally subpoenaed, as you know.
Therefore, as to my course of conduct there, even under trying circumstances, while restrospecting it I have no cause of regret. And during the time I was a member of that church, before God and all men I have a clear conscience, and am willing to give an account of my course at any time. While I lived in that church I tried to live in peace; and when I left it, I did not leave in order to persecute it, but to get from under the priestly influence of those men who bore down upon those who opposed their views, with an iron rule; with a yoke too intolerable for a high-minded man, or a humble Christian spirit to bear. Past experience had already shown me that as soon as anyone, but especially one of note among them, would leave them, he must sufl’er all kinds of abuse. The motto was, “His character must be ruined, or he will injure us.” And in return, the dissenters have said, “Down with the heads of the church.” And I know that they have sometimes used base means, and published many falsehoods, and brought much persecution on you. This has not been my course. I despise the course which both parties have pursued. I am for peace and for truth, and truth only on all subjects. Notwithstanding the many slanders that have been afloat about me, in order to injure and ruin me, this is the first scrap that I have ever published on the subject; and I have written and published this out of mere necessity, in self-defense. I have hitherto been determined, let them say what they would or could, I would bear it, and leave the event with God. Almost six years have rolled away since I withdrew my labors and influence from among that people; and notwithstanding my reserve, some of them still continue to roll down their Satanic falsehoods upon me. I have been informed that one of your number is now in an adjoining neighborhood to this, asserting that I sold the heads of the church, in Missouri, for $700. Now, sir, as you are the man who was engaged in the whole affair with me, I request that you write a letter for publication, and either put in the Times and Seasons, or send it to me; and in it exempt me from those charges, and correct the minds of that people and the public on this subject; for you know that they are as base as the blackness of darkness, and as false as Satan himself. If I felt to retaliate or to do as other dissenters have done, I might publish much, and do it in truth, about the wickedness of that people, and it might add to the already exasperated state of feeling now existing against them; but, sir, that is not my purpose. I feel, and always have, to leave them in the hands of God, and to mind my own business; and I assure you I find enough to do to attend strictly to my own duty; therefore, write and exhort your brethren “to go and do likewise.” Very respectfully, Your friend and well-wisher, G. M. Hinkle. (G. M. Hinkle to W. W. Phelps, August 14, 1844, from Messenger and Advocate, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, August 1, 1845, quoted in Journal of History, Volumes 12-13, 448-453).
Stephen LeSueur writes that “There is much evidence to support their [Hinkle & the other representatives] case. The representatives present consistent descriptions of their activities and discussions, while the accusations made by the hostages are inconsistent and contradictory.”
Smith wrote that Corrill and the others were “so very ignorant that they cannot appear respectable in any decent and civilized society, and whose eyes are full of adultery, and cannot cease from sin.” Yet, Corrill’s actions during the War and after attest to the fact that he acted in the best interests of his Mormon friends, even though he disagreed with Smith’s teachings and illegal actions. Kenneth W. Hinn writes for Differing Visions:
If Corrill, however, had abandoned his belief in Mormonism, he did not abandon the Mormon people. Although he could have easily left church members to their fate, Corrill not only spoke on their behalf to the authorities but also gave his money to the church’s poor—all he had. By selling his property he was able to distribute about $2,100 to nearly 160 needy families. Corrill typically gave each recipient about $3 dollars, although there was a wide difference in contributions based on need. For instance, he gave 18 cents to Sherman Brown but $44.60 to Titus Billings. Although some of the money ended up in the hands of old friends like Edward Partridge ($15.04), the jailed Alexander McRae, a fanatical Danite of whom Corrill disapproved, received $2.88, which Corrill undoubtedly gave to McRae’s wife. Two of Joseph Smith’s brothers benefited from Corrill’s largesse as well: Samuel ($9.62) and William (75 cents).
On December 19, 1838, Corrill proved his fidelity to the Saints again, when one month after he assumed his seat in state legislature as Caldwell County’s representative, he introduced two memorials on behalf of the Mormons. The first was from church members in Daviess County, who prayed for release from the “treaty” signed at Far West compelling them to leave the state. The second memorial from the church detailed the mistreatment of the Saints from arrival in Jackson County to the Mormon War and asked that all property taken from them during this period be restored and, as in the first petition, requested that their forced emigration be halted.
In presenting these petitions Corrill began a bit diffidently, yet as reported by the Missouri Republican, he said that the Mormon “people, despised and persecuted as they were, were still his constituents, & he was therefore bound to speak on a subject in which they were so deeply interested.” In his Brief History of the Church, Corrill rather laconically noted that his presentation of the Saints’ petitions “produced some excitement in the House.” The petitions, in fact, caused an uproar, as one representative after another from the western part of the state rose to vilify the Mormons as the most base and degraded wretches ever to blight their portion of the state. Declaring themselves unwilling to hear such disgraceful slander, they claimed their constituents to be the finest people on earth and perfectly incapable of committing the atrocities of which the Mormons accused them. By focusing on the improbable parts of the church’s charges (the rape of Mormon women by militiamen, for example) they managed to dodge the church’s more substantial charges and ignored the question of the forcible expulsion of innocent men, women, and children from the state. By the time they had finished their attack, Corrill had fallen into complete retreat and volunteered to withdraw the memorials, only to see them tabled instead. (Launius and Thatcher, Editors, Differing Visions, p.67-68, emphasis mine).
Corrill gave more to the Mormons than the whole State of Missouri allocated for their suffering! As we shall see below, Winn is not the only historian who concludes that the rape charges made by the Mormons are largely improbable. Corrill himself would later write,
I have left you, not because I disbelieve the Bible, for I believe in God, the Savior, and religion same as ever; but when I retrace our track, and view the doings of the church for six years past, I can see nothing that convinces me that God has been our leader; calculation after calculation has failed, and plan after plan has been overthrown, and our prophet seemed not to know the event until too late…and still we were commanded in the most rigid manner, to follow him, which the church did, until many were led into the commission of crime; have been apprehended and broken down by their opponents, and many have been obliged to abandon their country, their families, and all they possessed, and great affliction has been brought upon the whole church…But where now may you look for deliverance? You may say, in God; but I say, in the exercise of common sense and that sound reason with which God has endowed you; and my advice is to follow that, in preference to those pretended revelations which have served no better purpose than to increase your trouble, and which would bind you, soul and body, under the most intolerable yoke. (Corrill, A Brief History, 48).
According to Kenneth Winn:
John Corrill died in early 1843, [at the age of 48] his reputation and finances in tatters. He owned no real property, and his personal effects were valued at $265.86, including, as was the custom of the time, the clothes of his wife and children. His book had met with an indifferent reception. The three hundred copies he had left at the time of his death were valued at $4. His integrity and basic decency were overshadowed by charges that he had betrayed the prophet and the church. (Differing Visions, 70).
 Radke-Moss, BYU-I Scroll, March 21, 2016. Online here, Accessed April 5, 2016.
 Stephen LeSueur, The 1838 Mormon War in Missouri, University of Missouri Press, Columbia, Missouri, 1987, 181.
 ibid., Note 8.
 Gentry & Compton, Fire and Sword, 370.
 ibid., 382.
 History of the Church, Vol. 3, p.202.
 ibid., Vol. 3, p.434.
 ibid., Vol. 5, p.494.
 ibid., Vol. 6, p.91.
 ibid. , Vol. 6, p.102.
 ibid., Vol. 6, p.128.
 ibid., Vol. 3, p.428, 431.
 Radke-Moss, op. cited above.
 Anonymous, The Ensign, July, 2006, Online here, Accessed April 5, 2016.
 Radke-Moss, op. cited above.
 Juvenile Instructor, op. cited above, Comment by Nance Kohlert — March 8, 2016 @ 5:54 pm
 Messenger and Advocate,
 The Life Story of Mosiah Lyman Hancock, 12.
 ibid. Ellipses in the original.
 Mormonism Unveiled, 84. Online here, Accessed April 5, 2016.
 Journal of John Murdock, 20. Online here, Accessed April 5, 2016.
 Biography of Marvin Tanner, 5-6. Online here, Accessed April 5, 2016.
 The Life of Joseph Holbrook, 45-46. Online here, Accessed April 5, 2016.
 The Western Emigrant, Febuary 7, 1839. Online here, Accessed April 5, 2016.
 See Part VIII, below.
 Affidavit of Ruth Naper, January 3, 1840. As mentioned in Note #53 there are accounts where the Militia would not enter a house to warm by the fire if they did not have permission. Still, Ruth Naper comes across as a credible witness and her account shows that it was not above some of the Missourians to try and take advantage of Mormon women.
 Elijah Reed, “Bill of Damages” May 6, 1839. The document reads:
A bill of Damages sustained by Elijah Reed against the State of Missouri in Consequence of the unlawful Conduct of the Inhabitants thereof & the Unconstitutional Decrees of the Governor
Damage on land $200.00
Do. Do. on Cows 40.00
Do. Do. on young Stock 12.00
Do. Do. on Mares & Colts 70.00
Do. Do. on Hogs 20.00
Do. Do. on Geese & fowls 7.00
Do. Do. on Sundry articles 20.00
Do. Do. Expence for journey 50.00
Do. Do. being thrown out of business & the inconveniences & Exposure to the weather in removeing 500.00
I leave with your Honerable to Say [what] it shall be
For my Life being Sought & in Danger & the Loss of my health in being Exposed to Cold & wet The Circumstances are as follows
the mob Came to my house in Ray County Seeking for me in the time of Excitement & I was Obliged to flee from my house without having time to take Clothing or Provision with me & I was Obliged to lay in the fields & woods being thinly Clothed & having been Sick with the Chill Fever & my family also for Several Days & th[e]y left without any one to help or take Care of them & the Mob went to my House Several times Swearing they would Kill me if they Could find me of which my Family Informed they Finally got track of me & Pursued me & about two & ahalf miles from home a Large number of them Surrounded me in the night in a Hazle thicket of about Five acres but I made my Escape From them & was Obliged to lay within half a mile of them until the next night being Forty hours without Food or Drink & Exposed to the Cold which Caused me to take Cold which Settled on my lungs & I have not been able to labor but little Since & the mob Set Fire to the Place where they Supposed me to be.
In about two weeks From the time I left I returned home again & one of the Mob James Snowden Sen by name told me they would have Killed me if they Could have Found me. this Company was Led by David Snowden James Snowden Jacob Snowden Joseph Ewing. Esqr. Mr. Shaw Thomas Taylor & others of Ray County who had Previously threatened to Burn our houses over our heads & Drive us out of the Cou[nty] after I returned home those men & others held a meeting & Resolved to Drive me & two others out of the Country forthwith but Mr. L. B. Fleak a Neighbor of mine Kindly Interceded For me & my Fam[ily] who were all sick with the Chills & Fever they were therefore Prevailed upon to let me us Stay untill we were able to remove but Said we must then Go or Suffer the Consequence
I Certify the within to Be True according to the Best of my Knowledg
[Sworn to before C. M. Woods, C.C.C., Adams Co., IL, 6 May 1839.]
 Affidavit of Elijah Reed, January 10, 1840. Reed’s second petition reads:
Quincy Illinois January 10th 1840
This is to Certify that I went from the state of Ohio into the state of Missouri in Nov. 1836 & Stopped in Randolph County until May Following & removed from thence to Ray County & in Oct or Nov 1837 I Entered two Forties of land in Said County at the Lexington office & in the Sumer of 1838 I hired 17 acres of the same Broken up at 3 Dollars Per acre & got out a Set of house logs & some other Improvements intending to Spend my Days there But in October of the Said year During the Excitement or Mormon war as it is Called I was Called uppon By Anderson Martin & Several others of Richmond Ray County & Said if I would give them my gun & Deny my Faith or religion that I should have Protection & if not I Could not be Protected those terms I refused to Comply with I told them my Right of Concience I would Enjoy while I lived & Considerable Conversation Passed & the Same was Proposed again by Mr. Henly & I made the Same reply he then Said by God you Shall not be Protected & left me in about an hour after there was a Company of men Sent to take me But I kept out of their way & from that time until after the Surrender of the Brethren in Far West the Mob hunted me Constantly the account I have Partially given in my bill of Damages
During which time I was Closely Pursued I was at a Br Jimmisons house in a by Place on the 29th of Oct & in the night of of the that day a Company of men Came to the House & Demanded admittence & threatened to Breake Down the Door Mr J got up and opened the Door meantime I hid under the Bed the men Came in and said they were Soldiers & he must go with them his wife asked where they said to the Malitia Camp above Richmond he Dressed himself & he & one of the men went for a horse at the Stable when they had got a little from the house the man Fired a gun & said the D——d rascal had ran from him he then returned to the house & they began to abus[e] Mrs. Jimm[iso]n wanting to sleep with her But she begged & cried For them to Desist & they Did so I lay under the Bed During this time they soon left the house & we supposed they had killed him I lay in the Field the remainder of the night the next Day I went to Caldwell we then learned of the Battle at Hawns Mill the Day Previous & From thence we went to Far West on the third of Nov. I was then taken Sick & was Confined to the house & Consequently Did not hear what General Clark had to Say I then went home in Ray Co a bout 35 miles in a Few Days I had notice by Mr David Snowden who said he was Captain of the men on the Bottom by the authority of the General who had the Command of the men sent to Caldwell & he told me I must leave by Sunday this was on tuesday I accordingly Disposed of my Property as Fast as I could For what I Could get But my one of my Neighbours Iterceded & I got to Stay till my Family was able to Move as they were all Sick with the Chills & Fever & had Been During my absence of 10 Days he Said we had all got to leave the State or Deny our religion law or no law. I accordingly removed to this place in March the Duplicates of my land I have lost or misplaced So that I cannot Find them
[Sworn to before C. M. Woods, C.C.C., Adams Co., IL, 9 Jan 1840.]
 Our Pioneer Heritage, Vol. 5, p.310.
 The Petition by Charles Jameson reads:
State of Illinois Madison County
This day personally came before the undersigned, a Justice of the Peace, in and for said County of Madison, Charles Jameson, who after being sworn upon his oath says that he did sustain certain damages by the inhabitants of Caldwell County in the state of Missouri during the years of 1835, 1836, 1837, and 1838, and in the fore part of the year 1839.
To wit: damages on sale of land and other property and moving: nine hundred and fifty dollars. Damages sustained by being wounded by them [He was shot four times: one to his scalp, exposing his brain; one to his shoulder; two to his stomach. He carried three of the lead bullets (or balls) to his grave.], and one rifle gun taken at the time of being wounded: two hundred and fifty dollars, making in all $1,200.00.
Subscribed and Sworn to before me this twentieth day of January A.D. 1840 J. C. Young J.P.
[Sworn to before J. C. Young, J.P., Madison Co., IL, 20 Jun 1840.]
 (Alexander L. Baugh, “Joseph Young’s Affidavit of the Massacre at Haun’s Mill”, BYU Studies 38, No. 1, 191-92).
 Fire & Sword, 457.
 Richards, pg. 9
 Radke-Moss, Facebook Conversation, March 7, 2016. I felt that it was necessary to quote Radke-Moss here, because these are important comments that need to be addressed.
 Facebook Conversation, March 7, 2016.
 Russell Stevenson, Facebook Conversation, March 8, 2016.
 Facebook Conversation, March 7, 2016.
 Russell Stevenson, op. cited above.
 Sharon Block, Rape and Sexual Power in Early America, Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia, 2006, Kindle Edition, Locations 708-716.
 ibid., Locations 717-725.
 ibid., Kindle Locations 743-748, 758-772.
 Rape in the American Civil War: Race, Class, and Gender in the Case of Harriet McKinley and Perry Pierson, by Maureen Stutzman, Women’s Studies Journal, Spring 2009, Online here, Accessed April 20, 2016.
 Lowry, Thomas P., Sexual Misbehavior in the Civil War: A Compendium, Xlibris, 2011, Kindle Edition, Kindle Locations 4233-4253.
 ibid., Kindle Locations 3911-4002.
 ibid., Kindle Locations 3293-3300.
 ibid., Kindle Locations 3425-3430.
 ibid., Kindle Locations 3069-3091.
 Facebook Conversation, March 7-8, 2016, op. cited above.
 Sharon Block, op. cited above, Kindle Locations 2547-2553.
 Diane Miller Sommerville, Rape and Race in the Nineteenth Century South, 117-118.
 Sharon Block, op. cited above, Kindle Locations 2561-2566.
Phoenix Tso reported in 2014 that,
In 2006, Helen’s* boyfriend raped her in one of BYU’s dorms. Unsure of where to turn, Helen went to her bishop, who gave her The Miracle of Forgiveness by church prophet Spencer W. Kimball. Published in 1969, Kimball’s influential book contains an exhaustive list of sins that Mormons need to repent for, including a section on “Restitution for Loss of Chastity.” When Helen got to this section, this passage jumped out at her:
Even in a forced contact such as rape or incest, the injured one is greatly outraged. If she has not cooperated or contributed to the foul deed, she is of course in a more favorable position. There is no condemnation where there is no voluntary participation. It is better to die in defending one’s virtue than to live having lost it without a struggle.
Helen says The Miracle of Forgiveness text made her feel “horrible, like I had failed and was now dirty and broken because I didn’t fight to the death.”
But Helen’s bishop didn’t stop with The Miracle of Forgiveness. His action plan included required weekly meetings with him, withholding the sacrament from her, forbidding her from holding a calling, and barring praying in church meetings or activities until he felt like she had repented. After nine months of this, Helen’s bishop was finally satisfied.
*Name has been changed.
 Spencer W. Kimball, The Miracle Of Forgiveness, 63.
 The relevant portion of the honor code:
All students are required to conduct themselves in a manner consistent with the Honor Code. In addition, students may not influence or seek to influence others to engage in behavior inconsistent with the Honor Code.
Students must abstain from the use of alcohol, tobacco, and illegal substances and from the intentional misuse or abuse of any substance. Sexual misconduct; obscene or indecent conduct or expressions; disorderly or disruptive conduct; participation in gambling activities; involvement with pornographic, erotic, indecent, or offensive material; and any other conduct or action inconsistent with the principles of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and the Honor Code is not permitted.
Violations of the Honor Code may result in actions up to and including separation from the university.
Brigham Young University will respond to homosexual behavior rather than to feelings or attraction and welcomes as full members of the university community all whose behavior meets university standards. Members of the university community can remain in good Honor Code standing if they conduct their lives in a manner consistent with gospel principles and the Honor Code.
One’s stated same-gender attraction is not an Honor Code issue. However, the Honor Code requires all members of the university community to manifest a strict commitment to the law of chastity. Homosexual behavior is inappropriate and violates the Honor Code. Homosexual behavior includes not only sexual relations between members of the same sex, but all forms of physical intimacy that give expression to homosexual feelings.
Dress and Grooming Standards
The dress and grooming of both men and women should always be modest, neat, and clean, consistent with the dignity adherent to representing The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and any of its institutions of higher education.
Modesty and cleanliness are important values that reflect personal dignity and integrity, through which students, staff, and faculty represent the principles and standards of the Church. Members of the BYU community commit themselves to observe the following standards, which reflect the direction of the Board of Trustees and the Church publication For the Strength of Youth. The Dress and Grooming Standards are as follows:
A clean and well-cared-for appearance should be maintained. Clothing is inappropriate when it is sleeveless, revealing, or form fitting. Shorts must be knee-length or longer. Hairstyles should be clean and neat, avoiding extreme styles or colors, and trimmed above the collar, leaving the ear uncovered. Sideburns should not extend below the earlobe or onto the cheek. If worn, moustaches should be neatly trimmed and may not extend beyond or below the corners of the mouth. Men are expected to be clean-shaven; beards are not acceptable. Earrings and other body piercing are not acceptable. Shoes should be worn in all public campus areas.
A clean and well-cared-for appearance should be maintained. Clothing is inappropriate when it is sleeveless, strapless, backless, or revealing; has slits above the knee; or is form fitting. Dresses, skirts, and shorts must be knee-length or longer. Hairstyles should be clean and neat, avoiding extremes in styles or colors. Excessive ear piercing (more than one per ear) and all other body piercing are not acceptable. Shoes should be worn in all public campus areas.
Residential Living Standards
As stated in the Honor Code, Brigham Young University is committed to providing a learning atmosphere consistent with the principles of the Church. The university is likewise committed to creating such an atmosphere for students residing on and off campus and between semesters. To achieve this, BYU has established living standards to help students learn some of the high ideals and principles of behavior expected at Brigham Young University. Therefore, the university requires students to adhere to the following applicable standards:
All single BYU undergraduate students who are not residing with their parents must live in university on-campus or university-contracted, sex-segregated housing unless specifically excused in writing by the Off-Campus Housing Office.
Visitors of the opposite sex are permitted in the lobbies but not in the bedroom area, except during an established open house, at which times room doors must remain open. Lobby visiting hours begin after 8:00 a.m. and extend until 12:00 midnight, Saturday through Thursday. On Friday night, lobby visiting hours extend until 1:30 a.m.
Visitors of the opposite sex are permitted in the lobbies and apartment kitchens but not in bedrooms or bathrooms. Lobby visiting hours are from 8:00 a.m. to 12:00 midnight daily, Saturday through Thursday, and extend until 1:30 a.m. on Fridays. Apartment visiting hours are from 10:00 a.m. to 11:00 p.m. Sunday through Thursday and extend until 12:00 midnight on Friday and Saturday.
Off-Campus Visiting Hours, Wyview Park, and Foreign Language Student Residence
Visitors of the opposite sex are permitted in living rooms and kitchens but not in the bedrooms in off-campus living units, Wyview Park, and the Foreign Language Student Residence. The use of the bathroom areas by members of the opposite sex is not appropriate unless emergency or civility dictates otherwise, and then only if the safety, privacy, and sensitivity of other residents are not jeopardized. Visiting hours may begin after 9:00 a.m. and extend until 12:00 midnight. Friday night visiting hours may extend until 1:30 a.m. Landlords may establish a shorter visiting period if proper notice is given to students.
All guests of students must comply with the Residential Living Standards while on the premises of university-contracted housing. Students are expected to help their guests and other residents understand and fulfill their responsibility under the Residential Living Standards and the Honor Code. Approval forms must be submitted for all guest requests, and are available from hall advisors and area offices. Approved guests may stay a maximum of three nights.
Maintaining the Standards
Violations of these standards may be reported to the Honor Code Office, 4440 WSC, (801) 422-2847, or the Off-Campus Housing Office, (801) 422-1513. (Online here, accessed April 25, 2016).
 “BYU student says honor code creates fear, shame in victiims of rape”, by Christina FLores, Tuesday, April 12, 2016, KUTV.com, Salt Lake City, Utah.
 “BYU Has a Rape Problem”, Joshua Dunn, April 8, 2016, Medium.com.
 “BYU professor works to help victims of rape through in-depth research and training”, by John McBride, April 6, 2016, BYU News, Provo, Utah.
 “Justice Denied: Low Sexual Assault Kit Submission Rates in Utah and Their Predicting Variables”, Julie Valentine PhD, RN, CNE, SANE-A, Assistant Professor, Brigham Young University, April 7, 2016, PDF, Online here, Accessed April 25, 2016.
 “Police, BYU investigating gang rape allegation”, USA Today, August 19, 2004, Provo Utah.
 “Prosecutor says rape case is threatened by BYU Honor Code investigation”, by Jessica Miller and Erin Alberty, The Salt Lake Tribune, updated April 25, 2016.
 “BYU students challenge honor code involvement with sexual assault reporting” by Ladd Egan, April 13, 2016, KSL.com, Provo, Utah.
 “Rape Hill: Mormonism, Bureaucracy, and Sexual Assault”, by Issac Black, Medium.com, April 15, 2016.
 “For College-Age Mormons, Sexual Violence Is A Religious Problem“ by Phoenix Tso, Pacific Standard, July 2, 2014.
 “BYU: School looking at ‘changes’ after Honor Code criticized for investigating sexual assaults” by Annie Knox, The Salt Lake Tribune, Updated April 20, 2016.
 “80 protesters rally at BYU to ask for honor code amnesty for sexual assault victims”, by Tad Walch, Deseret News, Updated April 21, 2016.
 Op-ed: Rape culture is pervasive, ingrained and extends well beyond BYU, by Stephanie Lauritzen, The Salt Lake Tribune, Updated, April 24, 2016.